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RAMSAY'S HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA
From ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT IN 1670 
TO THE YEAR 1808.
by David Ramsay, M.D. 

Volume I
Preface dated "Charleston, December 31st, 1808"
Published in 1858, by W.J. Duffie, Newberry, S.C.  
Reprinted in 1959, by the The Reprint Company, Spartanburg, S.C.   

CHAPTER V, Section II, pp 104-110

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It might now have been expected that the vindictive spirit of the savages
would be satisfied, and that they would be disposed to listen to terms of
accommodation. But this was not the case. They intended their treacherous
conduct at fort Louden should serve as a satisfaction for the harsh treatment
their relations had met with at fort Prince George. Dearly had the province
paid for the imprisonment and massacre of the Indian chiefs at that place.
Sorely had the Cherokees suffered, in retaliation, for the murders they had
committed to satisfy their vengeance for that imprisonment, and the massacre
of their chiefs. Their lower towns had all been destroyed by Colonel
Montgomery. The warriors in the middle settlements had lost many friends and
relations. Several Frenchmen had crept in among the upper towns, and helped to
foment their ill-humor against Carolina. Lewis Latinac, a French officer,
persuaded the Indians that the English had nothing less in view than to
exterminate them from the face of the earth; and furnishing them with arms and
ammunition, urged them to war. At a great meeting of the nation he pulled out
his hatchet, and striking it into a log of wood called out, "who is the man
that will take this up for the King of France?" Salonč, the young warrior of
Estatoe, instantly laid hold of it, and cried out, "I am for war. The spirits
of our brothers who have been slain, still call upon us to avenge their death.
He is no better than a woman that refuses to follow me." Many others seized
the tomahawk and burned with impatience for the field. 

Lieutenant Governor Bull, who well knew how little Indians were to be trusted,
kept the Royal Scots and militia on the frontiers in a posture of defence, and
made application a second time to General Amherst for assistance. Canada being
now reduced, the Commander-in-Chief could the more easily spare a force
adequate to the purpose intended. Lieutenant Colonel James Grant, with a
regiment from England, and two companies of light infantry from New York,
received orders to embark for Carolina. Early in the year 1761, he landed at
Charlestown, where he took up his winter quarters until the proper season
should approach for taking the field.

In this campaign, the province exerted itself to the utmost. A provincial
regiment was raised, and the command of it given to Colonel Middleton.*
Presents were provided for the Indian allies, and several of the Chickesaws
and Catawbas engaged to co-operate with the white people against the
Cherokees. All possible preparations were quickly made for supplying the army
with everything necessary for the expedition. Great had been the expense which
this quarrel with the Cherokees had already occasioned. The Carolinians now
flattered themselves that, by one resolute exertion, they would free the
country from the calamities of war.

As soon as the Highlanders were in a condition to take the field, Colonel
Grant set out for the Cherokee territories. After being joined by the
provincial regiment and Indian allies, he mustered about 2,600 men. On the
27th of May, 1761, he arrived at fort Prince George; and, on the 7th of June,
began his march from it, carrying with him provisions for thirty days. A party
of ninety Indians, and thirty woodsmen, painted like Indians, under the
command of Captain Quintine Kennedy, had orders to advance in front and scour
the woods. When near to the place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the
year before, the Indian allies in front observed a large body of Cherokees
posted upon a hill on the right flank of the army. An alarm was given.
Immediately the savages rushing down began to fire on the advanced guard,
which being supported repulsed them; but they recovered their heights. Colonel
Grant ordered a party to march up the hills and drive the enemy from them. The
engagement became general, and was fought on both sides with great bravery.
The situation of the troops was in several respects deplorable, fatigued by a
tedious march in rainy weather - surrounded with woods so that they could not
discern the enemy - galled by the scattering fire of savages who, when
pressed, always fell back, but rallied again and again. No sooner was any
advantage gained over them in one quarter than they appeared in another. While
the attention of the commander was occupied in driving the enemy from their
lurking place on the river's side, his rear was attacked; and so vigorous an
effort made for the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to order a party
back to the relief of the rear-guard. From 8 o'clock in the morning until 11,
the savages continued to keep up an irregular and incessant fire; sometimes
From one place, and sometimes from another, while the woods resounded with
hideous war-whoops frequently repeated, but in different directions. At length
the Cherokees gave way and were pursued. What loss they sustained in this
action is unknown, but of Colonel Grant's army there were between fifty and
sixty killed and wounded. Orders were given not to bury the slain, but to sink
them in the river to prevent their being dug up from their graves and scalped.
To provide horses for those that were wounded, several bags of flour were
thrown into the river. After which the army proceeded to Etchoe, a large
Indian town, which they reached about midnight, and next day reduced to ashes.
Every other town in the middle settlements shared the same fate. Their
magazines and cornfield were likewise destroyed; and the miserable savages,
with their families, were driven to seek for shelter and provisions among the
barren mountains. 

Colonel Grant continued thirty days in the heart of the Cherokee territories.
Upon his return to fort Prince George the feet and legs of many of his men
were so mangled, and their strength and spirits so exhausted, that they were
unable to march any further. He therefore encamped at that place to refresh
his men, and wait the resolutions of the Cherokees in consequence of the heavy
chastisement which they had received. Besides the many advantages their
country afforded for defence, it was supposed they had been assisted by French
officers. The savages supported their attack for some hours with considerable
spirit; but being driven from their advantageous posts they were disconcerted.
Though the repulse was far from being decisive, yet after this engagement they
returned no more to the charge, but remained the tame spectators of their
towns in flames and their country laid desolate. 

It is no easy matter to describe the distress to which the savages were
reduced by this severe correction. Even in time of peace they are destitute of
that foresight which provides for future events; but in time of war, when
their villages are burnt and their fields destroyed, they are reduced to
extreme want. The hunters, furnished with ammunition, may make some small
provision for themselves; but women, children, and old men must perish from
being deprived of the means of subsistence.

Soon after Colonel Grant's arrival at fort Prince George, Attakullakulla,
attended by several chieftains, came to his camp and expressed a desire of
peace. They had suffered severely for breaking their alliance with Britain,
and giving ear to the promises of France. Convinced at last of the weakness of
the French, who were neither able to assist them in time of war nor to supply
their wants in time of peace, they resolved to renounce all connection with
them. Accordingly terms of peace were drawn up and proposed. The different
articles being read and interpreted Attakullakulla agreed to them all except
one, by which it was demanded "that four Cherokee Indians be delivered up to
Colonel Grant at fort Prince George to be put to death in the front of his
camp; or that four green scalps be brought to him in the space of twelve
nights." The warrior could not agree to this article, and therefore the
Colonel sent him to Charlestown to see whether the Lieutenant-Governor would
consent to mitigate its rigor.

Accordingly Attakullakulla, and the chieftains being furnished with a
safeguard, set out for Charlestown to hold a conference with
Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who, on their arrival, called a Council to meet at
Ashley ferry, and then spoke to the following effect: "Attakullakulla I am
glad to see you, as I have always heard of your good behavior, and that you
have been a good friend to the English. I take you by the hand, and not only
you, but all those with you, as a pledge for their security whilst under my
protection. Colonel Grant acquaints me that you have applied for peace. I have
therefore met with my beloved men to hear what you have to say, and my ears
are open for that purpose." A fire was kindled, the pipe of peace was lighted,
and all smoked together for some time in great silence and solemnity.

Attakullakulla then arose and addressed the Lieutenant-Governor and Council to
the following effect: "It is a great while since I last saw your honor. I am
glad to see you and all the beloved men present. I am come to you as a
messenger from the whole nation. I have now seen you, smoked with you, and
hope we shall live together as brothers. When I came to Keowee, Colonel Grant
sent me to you. You live at the water side and are in light, we are in
darkness, but hope all will yet be clear. I have been constantly going about
doing good, and though I am tired, yet I am come to see what can be done for
my people who are in great distress." Here he produced the strings of wampum
he had received from the different towns, denoting their earnest desire of
peace, and added, "as to what has happened, I believe it has been ordered by
our father above. We are of a different color from the white people. They are
superior to us. But one God is father of all, and we hope what is past will be
forgotten. God Almighty made all people. There is not a day but some are
coming into and others going out of the world. The great King told me the path
should never be crooked, but open for every one to pass and repass. As we all
live in one land, I hope we shall all love as one people." After which peace
was formally ratified and confirmed. The former friendship of the parties
being renewed, both expressed their hope that it would last as long as the sun
shines and the rivers run.

Thus ended the war with the Cherokees, which had proved ruinous to them, and
seriously distressful to South Carolina, without being advantageous or
honorable to the contending parties. Nothing was gained by either, and a great
deal was lost by both. In the review of the whole, there is much to blame, and
more to regret. The Cherokees were the first aggressors by taking horses from
the Virginians, but by killing them for that offence the balance of injury was
on their side. They violated the laws of natural justice by retaliating on
Carolinians for murders committed by Virginians; but according to their code,
the whites of both were identified as objects of retaliation. No pains had
been taken to teach them better by their neighbors, who enjoyed the superior
benefits of civilization and of christianity. When the storm of war was ready
to burst on their heads they sent their messenger of peace to apologize,
explain, and negotiate for the unauthorized murders of their lawless young
warriors; but they were not heard, nor even suffered to speak. Governor
Lyttleton, unwilling to be balked of his military expedition, marched with his
army into their country with these messengers of peace in his train;
ostensibly for their safety, and with a promise that a hair of their heads
should not be hurt, but really as hostages for their countrymen, and they were
afterwards, without any personal fault, confined as such till twenty-four of
their nation should be delivered up to expiate by their death for the murder
of the Carolinians. If this demand was right, it was of that too rigid kind
which hardens into wrong. Compliance with it was impossible; for no such
coercive power could be exercised over these wild and independent warriors,
under their feeble system of loose government. A treaty was nevertheless made
to that effect, but under circumstances that its observance could not be
expected. Treachery begat treachery, and murder produced murder. The lives of
these men who came originally as messengers of peace, though afterwards
retained as hostages, were barbarously taken away without any fault of theirs,
other than their obeying the laws of nature in resisting a military order for
putting their persons in irons. A deadly hatred, and a desolating war was the
consequence. Both exerted all their energies to inflict upon the opposite
party the greatest possible amount of distress. The war, after incalculable
mischief was done to both parties, ended in peace; but the hatred of the
Cherokees to Carolina continued to rankle in their hearts. In about fifteen
years after it broke out, under the auspices of the same John Stuart before
mentioned, to the great distress of Carolina in its revolutionary war with
Great Britain, which shall be related hereafter.

The treaty made by Sir Alexander Cumming with the Cherokees in 1730, had
preserved peace between them and Carolina for thirty years. It is highly
probable that moderation on the part of Governor Lyttleton would have
prevented its interruption to any great extent, and most certainly the horrid
scenes which have just been reviewed. The assumption of a hightoned spirit of
decision on his part, carried to extremes against ignorant savages,
unrestrained by social order and the precepts of religion, together with their
vindictive temper and indiscriminate mode of retaliating for injuries
received, produced a chain of great and reciprocal distress. The first link of
this was the petty theft of a few Virginian horses, for necessary purposes;
and the last, the ruin of the Cherokee nation, the desolation of populous
settlements and the murder of many Carolinians. A review of the whole
demonstrates that civilized people, as well as savages, show more sound policy
as well as true wisdom in abating of their just demands to a certain extent
than in urging complete and peremptory satisfaction for injuries received with
too high a hand, and beyond the point of moderation. 

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* The other field officers were Henry Laurens, Lieutenant-Colonel; John
Moultrie, Major. William Moultrie, Francis Marion, Isaac Huger, Andrew
Pickens, Owen Roberts, Adam McDonald, James McDonald and William [Meson?]
served in this expedition, and were there trained to further and greater
services in the cause of their country. They all served in the revolutionary
war, and in the course of it, the four first were promoted to the rank of
general officers. Bellamy Crawford, John Huger, Joseph Lloyd, John Lloyd and
Thomas Savage, also served in this expedition; and afterwards in civil
departments, in and after the revolution.

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[To be continued....]

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