This is the FORTY-THIRD page of John BLANKENBAKER's series of Short Notes on GERMANNA History, which were originally posted to the GERMANNA_COLONIES Discussion List. Each page contains 25 Notes.
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GERMANNA History Notes Page 43 |
Nr. 1051:
Every half century in these notes, I interrupt the story in progress to bring you a bulletin. Actually, the bulletin is nothing but a general statement about the purposes of these notes, which are intended to inform and entertain subscribers. (If I can do both in any one note, then I feel that I have a winner.) Let's just look at the "inform" part.
The starting point in selecting the Germans of special interest is a group of Germans who came in 1714. (Actually, some of the Germans may have had families here before that, but we traditionally start with these.) These Germans proved so successful at keeping the peace on the frontier that the Lt. Gov. of Virginia, Alexander Spotswood, wanted more Germans to settle on the lands he proposed to take up to the west of Germanna, where the first group of Germans were living. He advertised his desires among the ship captains and one of them, Andrew Tarbett, hijacked a shipload of Germans, who had contracted with him to take them to Pennsylvania. He took them to Virginia instead, and they became the second group of Germans at or near Germanna. This group, in particular, had friends and relatives, who came also in the first few years after the second group had come.
By 1725, the first group of Germans had moved, and had been living for several years on land, about twenty miles north, that they had purchased in the Northern Neck. Once they were established there, they sought and invited friends and relatives to join them. From their initial site, they spread out to the north and to the west, across the Rappahannock River, where free land was available in the region known as the Little Fork. The second group, for the most part, moved west about twenty-five miles to the Robinson River Valley, where there was free land available. A smaller part of them settled southeast of Mt. Pony. There was enough available land around them so that their expansion was on the periphery of the initial settlement.
Eventually, the distinction between the groups became blurred as some of the first group moved to the Robinson River Valley, and as the second group expanded north toward the Little Fork. Up to the time of the Revolution, additions to the settlements were made with Germans newly arrived from the old country, and with Germans moving from other colonies or regions. It is hard to talk about any subset of all of these people as being "Germanna" people without inviting comments on the other Germans. So the rule has become that all Germans living on the east side of the Blue Ridge Mountains in the modern counties of Madison, Rappahannock, Fauquier, Culpeper, Orange, and their ancestral counties of Spotsylvania, Essex, Stafford, and Prince William are called Germanna people.
Not only are these notes concerned with the Germans in this region, but they are concerned with the people before they came, and they are concerned with the people after they left this region for new homes elsewhere. Because the Germans shared a region and culture with others in Virginia, the notes sometimes go into these topics as well.
Nr. 1052:
[Continuing where Note 1050 ended]
"There is another revenue in this province, that is settled and appropriated by the Assembly for the constant support and charge of your Majesty�s government. This consists of several Duties, viz. on every hogshead of Tobacco exported � 2 shillings; on every ton of Shipping � 1 shilling 3 pence; and on every Poll imported � 6 shillings. [In addition there is] the rights of taking up lands, and fines & forfeitures.
"On a medium of six years, ending the 25th of October 1710,
"The total Annual Charge, as aforesaid 3,095.7.10
"And this excess hast been generally allowed by your Majesty, as well as by your Royal Predecessors, out of the produce of the quit-rents.
"But besides the said standing and certain charge, for which provision is made, as aforesaid, this province has been always obliged, for maintaining their guards & garrisons on the Indian frontiers, for erecting several publick magazines, & buildings & discharging other necessary expenses, to levy certain quantities of tobacco, it [at?] so many pounds weight per head, or every tythable, which comprehends all persons exceeding sixteen years of age, except white women.
"The number of said tythables, according to their respective lists:
[This is more than a 50% growth in 16 years!]
Nr. 1053:
The review of the state of Virginia that we have just been through briefly mentioned the components of the government of the colony. There was a Governor, who was appointed by the Crown. In the period most of interest to us, this was the Earl of Orkney, who remained in England. He had deputies, successively Spotswood, Drysdale, and Gooch, who were actually in Virginia. Incidentally, Alexander Spotswood often referred to himself as Governor even though his formal title was Lt. Gov. The Lt. Gov. was the executive leader of the government (while Lord Orkney was Governor). The legislative branch was the House of Burgesses, where two Burgesses sat from each county. All legislation passed by the House was sent to the twelve-member Council (appointed by the Crown on recommendations of assorted people). The Council reviewed the legislation, suggested changes, and sent it back to the House. When it was agreeable to all, a signing ceremony was held, where the Governor, the Council, and the leaders of the House met. Tentatively, this was the law, but all laws passed in Virginia had to be approved in England. When we reviewed the actions of the Commissioners of Plantations and Trade, we saw their part in this process. Getting approval in London was by no means automatic. (When Virginia enacted legislation saying that no more convicts could be exiled to Virginia, this was protested by the merchant in England who held the contract to ship the convicts to Virginia. He claimed that he could not fulfill his contract if this law were allowed. On this basis, the law was disallowed.)
The Council was an advisory body like our Cabinet members. They advised the Governor, but did not have any originating executive powers. (When the House was not in session, the Governor, with the consent and advice of the Council, might undertake some action.) The Council did have a legislative role, in that they had to approve all legislation, after it was originated, and might even suggest changes in it before it was approved. They also had judicial powers as the highest court in the colony. The Council was very prestigious, and the positions were highly sought after, especially the Presidency of the Council. The President would be the acting Governor in case the Governor died. Normally, the Presidency went to the Council member who had the most seniority in service.
When the forty-two Germans arrived in 1714, Spotswood wanted to put them on the frontier as guards. He proposed to the Council, and they agreed, that the expense of building a fort and supplying the Germans with ammunition could be paid at the public expense. This much is on the record in the Minutes of the Council. (What is not on the record is that the Governor had paid a significant portion of the transportation of these Germans and they could be considered as his servants. Also, he did not mention that they were settled only a few miles from a purported silver mine, in which he had made an investment of forty-five pounds. Nor did he mention that he was going to take up the land, where the fort was built, as a private patent, but the idea had perhaps not occurred to him yet. As you might gather, it was very important for the Governor to be on good terms with the Council.)
The Colony of Virginia was not troubled by the process of electing the Governor. They did hold elections, though, for the Burgesses.
Nr. 1054:
Elections in colonial Virginia were simple. First, to qualify as a voter you had to own property. Second, you were allowed to vote for a candidate in your county as Burgess, or member of the House of Burgesses, who enacted the laws for the colonies. Some exceptions were made to the rule of owning property for professionals who lived in an urban environment.
Elections occurred irregularly. A Burgess held his seat until the Governor dismissed the House and called for new elections. For example, the Burgesses elected in Spotsylvania County in 1727 held their seats until 1734. Many times, though, new elections were called in two or three years. If a seated member died, then a "by-election" was held to fill the vacancy.
There was one polling place in the county, so it took a determined effort to vote. This place was the court house, or, in good weather, the courthouse yard. At a table sat the Sheriff, the candidates, and the Clerks (one for each candidate). The voters came up one at a time to announce their choices, which were recorded like a game score where the public could see the results. If a candidate saw that he was trailing by a few votes, he could send out a supporter to look for more support.
Each voter declared his preference, and shouts of approval and boos would be heard. If the election were close, the odds by the wager-makers might change. The candidate who had been favored by the additional vote would stand, bow, and express his thanks for the vote. A written record was maintained of the votes.
The Sheriff was the manager of the elections. He decided the qualifications of the voters, he fixed the date of the election, and he fixed the hour for opening and closing the poll. Any appeal from his decision had to be taken to the House of Burgesses, which was reluctant to overturn the Sheriff�s decision. As the hour to close the polls approached, the Sheriff might wait until the man he favored was ahead, and, when he was, then he might declare the polls were closed. Or, if his man was behind, the Sheriff might keep the polls open, hoping that more supporters might appear.
Candidates seldom discussed the issues. Instead, a candidate seemed to be judged more by the entertainment and refreshments that he had proffered. George Washington�s expenses, when he stood for Burgess, were never less than �25. Therefore, the Burgesses tended to be from the class having money. One did not have to reside in a county to run for Burgess of that county; one only had to hold property in that county. Many of the great Virginians used their property holdings to advantage to select the county where their chances were the best. In the county of Spotsylvania in 1762, there was a Burgess who lived in Fredericksburg, but he was a Burgess for Hampshire County.
You could also vote in every county where you owned property. Remember that travel was difficult, but not all counties held their election on the same day.
Daniel J. Boorstin has written about the elections in "The Americans: The Colonial Experience".
Nr. 1055:
Craig Kilby has sent more information about voting in Virginia in the eighteenth century. The ultimate source for this seems to be Morton's "Colonial Virginia" (II, 504).
The practice whereby candidates for election won the voters' attention was called "treating". Probably most of the treating was done on election day, else the voter might forget who had treated him. The candidate might have large bowls of punch and other intoxicating refreshments to show that his heart was in the right place. Sometimes the crowd became so unruly that it might better be called rioting.
On one occasion Beverley Whiting of Gloucester County ran (and was elected) and was supported by a friendly Captain of the Militia who held a muster for his men on election day. He (the Captain) brought forty gallons of cider and twenty gallons of punch for his men. He asked in return that the men vote for Whiting. Whiting, at the same time, was using liquor to secure votes. A protest was filed with the election committee at the House of Burgesses, and they rejected the election of Whiting. It was considered that this was going too far, especially putting pressure on the Militia.
In another election, Landon Carter complained that William Fauntleroy had won an election from him by the excessive treating, in which "several in the company were merry with liquor." But the house took note that Fauntleroy himself had not treated the voters, nor had he encouraged his friends to do so. So the election stood.
New subject. Craig has also given us several deeds showing the physical relationships among several people. He mentioned the names, Amberger, Bloodworth, Ballinger, and Zimmerman. All of these people had their first patents in the Mt. Pony area, as did some other Germanna people. Zimmerman continued to live in the area, but Amberger, Bloodworth, and perhaps Ballinger, moved west several miles.
Because the Germanna Foundation never has recognized the Mt. Pony area as the home of several Germanna families, many students of Germanna history have been confused. They have assumed that all of the Second Colony people (or other early related people) moved to the Robinson River Valley, a distance of more than twenty miles from their first homes, which were just to the west of Germanna. But in fact, several families moved only a few miles west to land south of present day Stevensburg and southeast of Mt. Pony. Two of the people, Zimmerman and Kabler, in the Mt. Pony area are known to be coopers. Their choice of this region might have been dictated by a desire to be closer to the market for (tobacco) casks. Both of these families remained in this area. (Virginia was shipping about 30,000 casks of tobacco per year to England.)
Nr. 1056:
Looking in more depth at the Mt. Pony area just south of Stevensburg, one of the earliest patents was issued to Christopher Zimmerman, who had a patent across present day Road 662 on the west side of present day Road 661. Two years later, Frederick Kabler had a patent just to the south of Zimmerman, and Conrad Amberger had a patent just to the east of Zimmerman. Also, in the year 1728, Christopher Zimmerman had a patent which lay across the current State Route 3, almost at Salubria. In fact, Salubria may be on this land of Zimmerman, but I can't vouch for this.
In the previous year, that is 1727, Bloodworth and Joseph Kooper each had patents which probably lay to the west and north of the original Zimmerman patent, but not touching it. Then in 1731, Zimmerman had another patent, again across present day State Route 3, on the east side of Kooper. Thus, Zimmerman had patents across State Route 3 on the east and the west of modern Stevensburg. If you drive from the town of Culpeper to Germanna, twice you will cross land of Christopher Zimmerman.
So far I have spotted only one "English" patent before 1728 in this area, and that went to Quarles and Ashley as a joint patent in 1726, and probably included the modern village of Stevensburg. In 1728, there were several English patents. I am inclined to regard both Bloodworth and Kooper as Germans. The name Bloodworth is sometimes spelled Bludworth and that would be a German spelling of "blood". Also, Kooper with a "K" is suspicious. If we accept these two people as Germans, then the Germans were the first in the several square mile area which lies in the eastern part of modern Culpeper County. Of course, the Germans just to the east of these patents were the Second Colony members who have a claim on being the first inhabitants of modern Culpeper County.
Of the hundreds of patents that I have plotted, the Amberger patent is the one whose location I regard as the most solid. It is an anchor stone, but unfortunately not many other patents reference it. Two of the sides of the Amberger patent fit current existing roads almost perfectly. A slight adjustment of the magnetic declination was necessary (not an unusual event), but the description fits the water ways and the roads excellently. I have visited the site and one can see the modern boundaries just as the plot predicts. One corner (the southern tip) of the Amberger patent touches the Spotsylvania tract of Alexander Spotswood. This was the 40,000 acre tract (actually about 65,000 acres) that started as a partnership for settling the Second Germanna Colony. The Germans who took up the patents here had not been living very far away.
In the near vicinity of the Kabler patent there is a road known as the Kibler Road. I do not know whether it was named after the Kabler family or not, but it sounds as it might have been. Another German who had a patent in this general area was Adam Yeager, on the south slope of Mt. Pony.
English names in the area (not an exhaustive list) are:
Nr. 1057:
Hans Conrad Amberger was born in Germany (at B�nnigheim), in 1683. He married, in 1714, Anna Catharina Schuhnig, who was the widow of Hans George Rohleder. She had one daughter by Hans George, Maria Magdalena Rohleder. Conrad and Anna Catharina had two children in Germany, who died very young. In Virginia, Conrad Amberger was known to be married to a Barbara (maiden surname unknown), and she was perhaps the mother of John Amberger, who was born about 1727, although John's mother could have been either Barbara or Anna Catharina. What happened to Conrad�s stepdaughter, Maria Magdalena, is unknown.
Some of the land records in Virginia have been mentioned. Several of the land records were made after the "Great Fork" of the Rappahannock River (between the Rapidan and the Rappahannock) was declared to be a part of the Northern Neck (about 1743). As a consequence, the procedures were slightly different in acquiring land, and a different set of records exists pertaining to the process of acquiring land. The Warrants and Surveys have been published by Peggy Shomo Joyner, and they suggest that there was some connection between the Kilvey (Kilby), Towles, Kennerly, and Amberger families.
In fact, one of the surveys shows 400 acres had been surveyed in 1737 (?) for Mary Margaret Amburger/Ambargo. The reverse of this survey carries the notation, "Mary Margaret Ambargo is now the wife of Thos. Kennerly." The placement of this Mary Margaret within the Amberger family is unknown. Since Conrad had come in 1717, and children of Conrad and Anna Catharina were born up to 1717 in Germany (though they died), this Mary Margaret would either have to the Maria Magdalena, the stepdaughter of Conrad, or a daughter born in Virginia. She might have been a young widow of an Amberger son who is otherwise undetected. At the present all that we can say is that she is a link between the Amberger and Kennerly families. The land that she was acquiring was on Deep Run and Devil�s Run, adjoining Joseph Bloodworth and Conrad Amberger.
I do not have the original of the survey before me, but the date 1737 above may be in error, as the Northern Neck was not extended into the Great Fork until after this date. Probably, the 1737 date should read 1747. Perhaps someone can clarify this for us (see volume 5 of Joyner).
The four families, Kilby, Towles, Kennerly, and Amberger also seem to be tied together by these surveys:
John KILVEY (1747), 400 acres on Deep Run, adjoining Joseph Bludworth.
John TOWLES, late from Middlesex, (1747) 300 acres joining John Kilvey (Kilby, surely).
Thomas KENNERLY (1747) 499 acres on branches of Deep and Devil�s Runs adjoining Jos. Bloodworth, Samuel Coleman, Conrad Amberger, John Vaught.
Nr. 1058:
This note is an interruption in the recent thread and is prompted by a comment, made recently on the GERMANNA_COLONY Mailing List, to the effect that men did not leave their property to girl friends. I generally do subscribe to that thought, but I will cite an example showing that no rule should be regarded as inviolable.
William Carpenter made his will on 4 Oct 1745, which consisted of the simple statement,
"To my wife Elizabeth Carpenter all my estate as long as she liveth and at her death to return to Catherine Proctor, excepting two slave boys I give to John Carpenter one and William Carpenter his younger brother one, and to Andrew Carpenter the half of the mill. One young slave to my brother John Carpenter."
Questions are raised by this statement. First, who was Catherine Proctor? No hint of any relationship was mentioned. When the will was recorded, (brother) John Carpenter objected to the will, telling the court,
"First, the writing was made at the importunity and by the persuasion of one Catherine Procter, the divisee in remainder in the will named. Secondly, William Carpenter was not of a disposing mind and memory at the time of making the writing. Thirdly, he never published the writing to be his will and testament."
Even this fails to tell us just who Catherine Proctor was. The court called on Richard Burdyne for his testimony and it provides the answer,
"Richd. Burdyne, aged 50 and upwards, saith that on 4 Oct 1745 John Carpenter came to him where he was at work and told him that his brother Wm. Carpenter was kicked by a horse or mare and was very ill and had sent him to the deponent� for to come and write his will, on which the deponent went to the said Wm Carpenter and found him in great pain as appeared by his signs and groanes and could not rest long in one place and was supported by his wife who was sometimes in the house and sometimes out but chiefly out of the room, but chiefly by one Cath. Proctor who lived in the said William Carpenter's family and was reputed his "mistress" by several persons. The deponent saith he verily believes Wm. Carpenter was in his perfect senses and at his request this deponent wrote his will as he directed from his own mouth until he came to the part where a slave is devised to his brother John and seeing that no provision was made for him this deponent said, Wm. you must take notice as you are going to appear before the God of all souls, do justice to your own Flesh and Blood, upon which after some consideration he said, my poor brother John who had been with me in my travels and distresses and came into this country with me, I will give him a young slave, on which Catherine Procter said, which must he have."
(�Deponent: One who testifies, especially in court; witness, corroborator, testifier.)
(to be continued)
Nr. 1059:
[Continuing the testimony taken on the filing of William Carpenter's will, starting with the point where Catherine Proctor asked which slave John Carpenter was to have.]
"The deponent [Richard Burdyne] said it was not right to set the name of the slave for fear he should die before the estate was settled, on which Wm. Carpenter told him, the deponent, to set down a young slave without naming his name for his brother John Carpenter. Then Catherine Proctor spoke to Wm. Carpenter to know which slave John Carpenter was to have, Wm. seemed angry with her. After the will was wrote this deponent read the same to him. He said all was right and then sealed and signed it and declared it to be his last will and thereupon Floyd did sign as a witness. After the will was signed and witnessed, William told the deponent to set down Nicholas Yager and Andrew Garr his executors. William Carpenter did not publish again after the executors as named. Afterward William Carpenter asked what he must pay this deponent for his trouble, who told him if he pleased he might give him fifteen pence and thereupon Carpenter called for his purse which was brought to him by Cath. Proctor and looked (?) out the heaviest pistereen (as he thought) and asked the deponent if that would satisfy him, who answered yes and took the money. Carpenter made the letters W C himself. He does not remember who it was that wrote the names William Carpenter his mark. He did not see anyone have a pen and ink but Carpenter, John Floyd, and himself. The will was delivered to Catherine Procter without being enclosed or sealed up. John Floyd had been drinking but did not appear to be drunk, nor did he know it was usual for him to get drunk."
"John Floyd, aged 40 or thereabouts, saith he went with Richard Burdyne to William Carpenter's house where he found Carpenter in a dangerous condition, about whom he saw Catherine hanging, seeming to be very much concerned at Carpenter's condition. Some time after, he with several others were desired to go out of the room, which they did, leaving Catherine Proctor and Richd. Burdyne with him. Elizabeth, Carpenter's wife, was sometimes in and sometimes out but very seldom in the room. Some time after, he was called in again and was desired to sign a paper which he saw lying on the table before him. This deponent required Carpenter to tell him what it was and he refused to inform him about it saying it was no occasion to hear what was in it, upon which this deponent signed it with his own hand, after which he saw Catherine Proctor put the writing and a purse into a chest which she locked away and put the key into her pocket. At the same time Elizabeth the wife of Wm. Carpenter was some times in the room but was very seldom in the room. The mark with his name which is subscriber(d?) to the will produced is not the mark he usually makes use of. He does not know whether the paper produced was the same he signed. He had drunk cider at the house but was not drunk, neither does he use to get drunk. This deponent can't write.
Nr. 1060:
William Carpenter wrote his will in 1745 and apparently he died soon after writing his will. The will was filed with the court, and testimony was taken from John Carpenter, protesting its filing as a will. The court took testimony from Richard Burdyne and John Floyd. It is not known why it took fifty years until a further action was taken in the case, namely, a Power of Attorney filed by Joshua Tillery in Culpeper County, Virginia, on 5 Sep 1796. It read,
"Know all men by these presents that I Joshua Tillery of County of Oglethorp and State of Georgia for divers good causes and considerations me hereunto moving, do constitute and appoint Thomas Dillon of County of Culpeper and State of Virginia my true and lawful Attorney for me and in my name as the Legal Heir and Representative of Catrine Proctor, one of the Devisees� of William Carpenter, deceased, of Orange County, who afterwards intermarried with Henry Tillery by whom she had issue, I the aforesaid Joshua Tillery, all such property both real and personnel as was devised by William Carpenter, deced, to his Wife Elizabeth during her life and at her decease to descend to the aforesaid Catharine according to the tenure and effect of the last Will and Testament of William Carpenter, deceased, and duly recorded in the County Court of Orange, and take all lawful ways and means for recovery of the Estate which I have or hereafter may be entitled to as the Legal heir of Catharine Proctor, claiming by and under the Last Will and Testament of William Carpenter, deced, I ratifying and allowing all and whatever my said Attorney shall for me and in my name do by virtue of the power and trust in him reposed and it is convenanted and mutually agreed by and between the parties that the aforesaid Tillery doth hereby vest in the aforesaid Dillon one half of the money, land and Negroes and other property which he may recover by virtue of the power herein granted, said Dillon paying unto said Tillery his heirs one half of the monies and other property by him received or recovered clear of all expenses attending on the premises; In Witness thereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 5th day of September 1796 Signed sealed and delivered in presence of Joshua Tillery."
(Filed in the Culpeper Court 15 Feb 1796 with the Oaths of Zimmerman, Vaughan, and Haywood.)
(�Devisee: (Law) One to whom a devise� is made.)
Apparently Joshua Tillery had some doubts about whether he would recover the property, as he was willing to split the proceeds down the middle with his attorney. The fifty-year delay by Joshua Tillery in attempting a recovery is not explained.
John Tillery (whom we heard from recently) and I had fun working on this case for Beyond Germanna. It was a case of his ancestors versus my ancestors (via John Carpenter). We are not sure how what the final resolution was, but I suspect the Carpenters maintained possession of the property.
Note the Reuben Zimmerman who was a witness. He was from the Zimmerman family, not the Carpenter family.
Nr. 1061:
The Rev. Jacob Frank commenced service as a pastor of the German Lutheran Church in Culpeper County, Virginia, on November 5, 1775. (The church is known today as "Hebron".) On the following Christmas Day (a Monday), a Communion Service was held. In Note 500 of the Web Page at germhs20.html, I gave a list of the people who attended this Communion on December 25, 1775. These would be the people who were confirmed. Between the arrival of Rev. Franck/Frank, on November 5, 1775, and Christmas that year, there was another Communion Service in which the people partaking were recorded. This was a shorter list and it is given here. (Modern spellings are used, and information added in brackets [. . . ] is by me):
If any reader can expand on the details for these names, it would be welcome. I do not know as much as I would like about Chelf, Redman, Ehrhardt, Clerke, and B�hme. Also, I would like to know the maiden names of the wives where they are not given. Of the women who are listed without a husband, I do not know if they were single or married.
Nr. 1062:
Returning to the Carpenter family, the will of William Carpenter mentions three nephews, John, Andrew, and William, but not Michael. This had always bothered me, and it still does to some extent.
William Carpenter wrote his will in 1745, and his purported nephew, Michael, was surely born by then, as he, Michael, had a son, Solomon, who was born in 1761. From various considerations, Michael was probably a teenager by 1745. Why didn't William Carpenter mention Michael in his will? This led me to wonder if Michael was really a son of John Carpenter, brother of William Carpenter.
The evidence supporting John Carpenter having four sons is the four-way division he made of his property. One part went to Michael.
The testimony of Richard Burdyne concerning the process of writing William Carpenter's will perhaps gives us a partial answer to this question. It does appear that William Carpenter's thinking processes were impaired. He had omitted his brother John until Richard Burdyne reminded him of the omission. One must then wonder why Burdyne did not remind William that he omitted one of his four nephews, for it would seem to me that the structures of all of the families were fairly well known to everyone in the community. This is the only answer that I can see but it does not entirely satisfy me.
Here is another Carpenter puzzle. Once, the list of communicants includes Michael Carpenter and his wife Margaretha. Four pairs of names away we have a Michael Carpenter and wife Maria. (This was Easter 1776.) Then on another occasion (in 1778), at the baptism of a slave child, one of the sponsors is "Marg. Carpenter Mich. Wife". The problem is, "Who is the Michael Carpenter who has the wife Margaret?"
At the slave baptism just mentioned, the mother belonged to "Old John Carpenter's Estate". This suggests that the John Carpenter who is said to have died in 1782 was already dead in 1778. What does the word "estate" mean? In this case, does it imply that John Carpenter was dead when the baptism occurred?
All of these dates and names have been taken from the George Smith translation of the German Lutheran Church Records (the church is now called Hebron). There are some other mysteries concerning the Carpenters, but this is enough to chew on right now.
Nr. 1063:
Anyone who seriously studies the baptismal sponsorships at the German Lutheran Church cannot help being impressed by the associations. Sponsors were usually chosen from relatives and in-laws, and the in-laws were as good as the relatives. Friendship alone was hardly ever the basis for choosing sponsors. In fact, I would be hard pressed to name cases, but there were a few instances where the parents had no relations in the community. For example, the Rev. Franck and his wife had a baby baptized, but neither of the parents had any relatives who could act as sponsors. They had to choose "friends".
When one studies the Carpenter and Yager families in the third quarter, possibly the fourth quarter also, of the eighteenth century, one must notice the number of times that the Carpenter family members call on the Yager family members to be sponsors, and vice versa. We know of no other families who were relatives to both of these families. We know of no marriages between the Carpenter and Yager families in the first three generations or so.
The head of the YAGER family is Nicholas, who married Anna Maria Sieber, and later Susanna Clore Weaver Crigler. Nicholas has one son, Adam, who is said to have married Susanna Kabler, though solid proof is needed for this, and one daughter, Mary, of whom there is no further record.
Adam had six children:
John CARPENTER (he who protested against William Carpenter's will) married Anna Barbara Kerker (we think). His sons were:
John Carpenter's will did not mention any daughters, and it is assumed that he had none.
I don't have a list made up just now, but it would be unusual to have either a Carpenter as a sponsor for a Yager baptism, or a Yager as a sponsor for a Carpenter baptism. Yet, we have examples of both. In view of some of the other problems in the Carpenter family, I have wondered if the history of these two families has been assembled correctly.
Did Mary Yager, the daughter of Nicholas, really disappear, or did she live, and maybe married a Carpenter? If Adam Yager did marry a Kabler, did she (Kabler wife) die, and did he remarry? (After all, he sold his land in the vicinity of the Kablers and moved to the Robinson River Valley.) Were there two John Carpenters where we have only one?
As long as questions such as these are present, I am nervous. There are questions that need answers.
Nr. 1064:
Recently, in a list of communicants at the German Lutheran Church (in Culpeper County, Virginia, then, but in Madison County now), one of the surnames was Redman. A correspondent commented on the name, which is of interest to him. First, the nationality, or even the race, of the Redman family is uncertain. I believe we can discount any idea that the name derives from an identity with a native American. Redman could easily be a variant of a German name.
Here is what I could discern about the Redman name from a few sources.
The name appears only a few times at the German church, and then always in the "passive" role of a communicant, i.e., one who was taking communion. The first mention that we have a record of is late in 1775 when Peter Redman was at church, sitting between Conrad Delph and his wife Magdalena Castler, and Nicholas Jager and his wife Susanna (Wilhoit). (The latter man is the grandson of the immigrant.) It was unusual for a "single" person to sit with the married couples, but perhaps Rev. Frank had not established the discipline that we see later. (It might be that Peter came with his wife but she did not take communion.) The next Easter, two Redmans, Jacob and Peter were present (sitting in the "singles" section). That is about the extent of the Redmans at church. The suggestion is that they were German, since they were attending a church service conducted in German.
In the Culpeper Classes of 1781, there are six Redmans:
The number of them is above average for a surname, and the geographical dispersion is large. The suggestion is that the family had been in Culpeper County for a while, had grown, and then disbursed.
In the tax list of 1787, there are seven Redmans:
Again, there is a geographical diversity across the county. In each of these three sources, there is a given name not to be found in the other two sources.
Some of the first names suggest German origins, while others suggest otherwise. Harmon sounds very Deutsch to me, but Patrick and Nathaniel do not.
In the Culpeper will abstracts for 1749 to 1770, the closest I can come to Redman is Reapman (Christian).
Some of the land owned by the Redmans is in the neighborhood of German and English owners.
It is hard to say whether we have another Germanna family or not. Certainly anyone who attends the German church where services are held in German will be on my (Germanna) list until proven otherwise. With as many of them as there were, they are candidates to have married Germanna citizens.
Nr. 1065:
I return to an earlier thought that the chain carriers in the Northern Neck Warrants & Surveys were often close relatives. I am limiting the survey to (old) Culpeper County and to those people of whom I have some knowledge. Perhaps readers can fill in where my knowledge is incomplete or erroneous.
Nicholas Cabler (Kabler). In 1750, the CC (chain carriers) were David Jones and Christopher Cabler. The latter was the brother of Nicholas. Some of the "Jones" had a German connection, but I cannot vouch for David Jones.
John Carpenter (the immigrant who married Anna Barbara Kerker). In 1753 the known chain carrier is Peter Weaver. Peter's daughter, Barbara, married John's son Andrew. The name of the second chain carrier has been lost due to a damaged warrant.
John Clore, Jr. (Surveyed in 1770). He was the assignee of John Stansifer, his brother-in-law). The chain carriers were Michael Clore (his brother) and himself.
Christopher Crigler (1763). CC were William Chapman and himself.
Nicholas Crigler (1779). CC were Nicholas Crigler, Jr. (his son), and Matthias Rouse. (His wife was Elizabeth, maiden name unknown). Matthias was next door neighbor to Nicholas Crigler.
Deobald (Theobald) Cristler (1752). The land had been assigned to Theobald by "Christian Tivall". The chain carriers were Lawrence Garr and Henry Tivall. Lawrence was Theobald's brother-in-law. The Tivalls have never been explained, but they do seem close to the Crisler family.
Henry Ealer (Aylor) (1776). This land parcel had been patented to Bloodworth, who sold to Capt. Roan, who conveyed to Thomas Newman and Thomas Porter, who conveyed to Ealer, who was having it surveyed as Northern Neck property. CC were Thomas Chissel & Tivolt Fife (?).
Adam Fisher, assignee of Lewis Fisher (his father), surveyed (1764). CC were Michael Planeanpetler (Blankenbaker) and himself. Michael was Adam's cousin once removed.
Stephen Fisher (1769), near top of Blue Ridge Mountain at Milam's Pass. CC were Adam Fisher (his brother) and James Hobbs. A second survey near Great Hawksbill Mt. had the same chain carriers.
Lawrence Garr was assigned property by James Maxwell. The witnesses to the sale were Zacharias Blankenbeeker (his brother-in-law), Adam Cook, and Michael Koch. Adam Cook had married Barbara Fleshman, so Adam was related to Lawrence's wife, Dorothy Blankenbaker. The only Michael Cook who is old enough is the immigrant, apparently unrelated to either Lawrence or his wife.
Nr. 1066:
Some more names from "Northern Neck Warrants & Surveys (Culpeper County)", by Peggy Shomo Joyner include the following:
Henry Huffman (1766), 369 acres to including several pieces of land. The chain carriers (CC) were Herman and Joseph Huffman. It should be noted that the pilot was Frederick Fishback, who is to be found in the Little Fork. This Henry Hoffman was not the Henry who was the brother of the 1714er John Huffman. I can't comment on the relationship of the chain carriers to the applicant, but with all three having the name Huffman, it would appear they were related.
John Huffman (1752), 3,525 acres. This is the 1714er John. The CC were Wm. Lobb & Wm. Jones. I know of no relationship of John to the CC.
William Huffman & Paul Huffman (1766), 58 acres near today's Brightwood. CC were Charles Cox and Adam Smith. The applicants were sons of the 1714er John. Adam Smith was married twice and in both cases the maiden name of his wife is unknown.
John Francis Lucus Jacobi (1772), 341 acres. It is not clear that this is a German, but he married Johanna Friederika Lotspeich. CC were Wm. McClaniham & Daniel Jacoby. Daniel was the father of the applicant, a reversal of the roles in which the CC is often younger.
Christopher Kabler/Cabler (1762), 136 acres on the south of Mt. Pony, adjacent Adam Yeager (who had sold to Conrad Cabler). CC were Conrad Kabler & Thomas Older. Conrad and Christopher were brothers.
Jacob Manspile (1779), 817 acres. Adjacent to Henry Aylor (who had purchased the original Bloodsworth land). CC were Adam Delph (married Magdalena Aylor) and Conrad Wilhoit (married Elizabeth Broyles). There seems to be no connection between the applicant and the CC.
Jacob Nay of Orange Co. (1748), 146 acres on a branch of Negro Run, which was in the Little Fork). CC were Harman Miller and Joseph Conts. [I am not that familiar with the families here so there is an opportunity for others to enlighten us.]
Henry Otterback & John Button (1748), 198 acres and 214 acres in the Little Fork. CC were Frederick Fishback and Harmon Miller. [Again, I would make a similar comment to the previous warrant and survey.] An interesting note is that Jacob Nae, 16 years old, and an orphan, claimed 100 acres within this survey which had been bought by his mother of Charles Dewit. The surveyor apparently discussed the case with Jacob Houlsclaw, who informed him that Jacob Nae had obtained 140 acres and was satisfied, so the Otterback and Button survey stood as surveyed.
Nr. 1067:
Adam, George, Frederick, & Joel Pamgarner/Bumgardner (1763), 993 acres, including 400 acres patented by their father Frederick (1736). CC were Adam Broyle and John Fray. Pilots for the survey were Peter Weaver and John Wilhoit, who were neighbors. John Fray had married Rebecca Swindle, and Frederick Bumgarner had married Sarah Swindle. Adam Broyle has no known connection to the Bumgarners.
Zachariah Plancapetler/Plankelbeeler (1770), 50 acres. CC were John Garr (his brother-in-law) and John Plancanpetler (probably his brother).
Zachariah Plancapetler (1770), 27 acres. CC were Zacharias Plancanpetler, Junr. (his son), and John Plancanpetler (his brother).
[Those Plancapetlers were cheap skates and refused to pay for a chain carrier. Therefore they got their relatives.]
Martain, Matthew, & Adam Rouse (1747), 318 acres. CC were Adam Eager [Yager] and Micall Holt. The chain carriers have no known relationship to the applicants, who were probably quite young. They were neighbors. The history of the 610 acres that their father patented is confusing, but it seems that half of it reverted to the crown and half of it was patented anew by the sons above. The applicants were advised by Adam Eager, Micall Holt, Adam Wilhite, & Michael Cafer, who were neighbors.
Mathias Rouse (same as Matthew above) (1750), 33 acres "on a hillside near the old German Church". The German Lutheran church building was only ten years old, so the reference must be to the older chapel. This older chapel stood just north of the present building. CC were John Carpenter & Nicholas Yager, neither of whom are known to be related, but they were neighbors. Note that the name Yager occurs also in the previous survey.
Henry Souther [Sauder, etc] (1748), 124 acres. CC were Daniel Crisler and Stephen Hansburger. I do not have a Daniel in my records [given in the warrant as "Dan'l"]. I do not know of any relationship between the CC and Henry Souther.
John Thomas (1751), 106 acres. CC were William Carrill & John Snyder. No known relationships. This may not be the German John Thomas; it could be the English John Thomas.
George Utz (1763), 472 acres including earlier patents. CC Michael Yeager & John Plancanpetler. Michael married Elizabeth Manspiel. John was George's son-in-law.
The batting rate in this note is down in so far as the chain carriers are related to the applicants. Still, the information is useful for hints as to where to look.
Nr. 1068:
Peter Weaver (Jr.) (1762), 1295 acres. CC were Andrew and William Carpenter. Andrew was the brother-in-law of Peter Weaver. William was the brother of Andrew.
Tilman Weaver of Prince William Co. (1747), 400 acres in the Little Fork. CC were Frederick Fishback and William Tapp. The Fishback family had a long history in the Little Fork. Hardly any land in this area was surveyed for the Germans without Frederick Fishback being involved. He gives the appearance of being a senior mentor of the other Germans. In 1747, Fauquier County had not yet been formed.
Two chain carriers for Michael Wilhite in 1763 were Enoch Hill and William Knight. No known relationships to the applicant.
Two chain carriers for John Wilhoit in 1757 were John Cheek and Martin Trew. No known relationship to the applicant.
John Wiyland, assignee of Adam Barlow (1758), and surveyed in 1761. CC were Adam Barler & Zacharias Smith. John Wayland married Catherine Broyles. Zacharias Smith was married twice, the first time, it is believed, to Ann Elizabeth Fishback, and the second to Sarah Ann Watts, again without positive proof. Adam Barlow married Mary Smith, the sister of Zacharias Smith. Thus, the two chain carriers were brothers-in-law but unrelated to John Wayland.
John Yeager (son of Adam) (1753), 130 acres. CC were George Moyer, Jr., and Jacob Barlor. John Yeager married Mary Wilhoit, but may not have been married yet in 1753, as he was only 21. George Moyer, Jr., married Sarah Unknown. Jacob Barlor married Mary Unknown.
John Yeager (1764), 183 acres. CC were James Hinson and Nicholas Wilhoit. John and Nicholas were now brother-in-laws.
Christopher Yewell (Yowell)(1748), 80 acres. CC were David and James Yewell. Self-evident.
David Yewell (1748), 53 acres. CC were Christopher and James Yewell. Turn about is fair play.
Frederick Zimmerman (1764), 27 acres. CC were John Ballenger, Morgan Murrah.
Frederick Zimmerman (1764), 80 acres. CC were Conrad Kabler & Thomas Bryan. This land was adjacent to Edward Ballenger, Sr.
According to my notes, Edward Ballenger, Sr., had son John; daughter Margery, who married Stokely Towles; a daughter Agatha, who married a Kilbee; a daughter Mary, who married Michael Wilhite; and other children. The relationship of Edward Ballenger to Andrew Ballenger, who was sued by Spotswood when Spotswood sued many members of the Second Colony, is unknown. Edward Ballenger, Sr., generally lived in the Mt. Pony area with Zimmerman, Kabler, Bloodworth, and other Germans.
Nr. 1069:
Recently, we have had discussions as to whether a name was English or German. These are interesting cases and I would like, in this Note, to discuss the Redmans. Late in 1775, Peter Redman took communion at the German Lutheran Church in the Robinson River Valley (sometimes called Hebron). The next Easter, Jacob Redman was present, as was Peter again. After this point in time, and until 1810, they are hardly to be seen at the church.
The first thought might be that they were transients who were just passing through. Consulting the people listed (1781) in the "Culpeper Classes", we have the following mentions in the Class indicated:
These six men would have been between the age of 16 and 50. From my limited knowledge of the geographical distribution, there seems to be a wide distribution over the old county of Culpeper. Notice that Peter, who was of the age to take communion in 1776, is not in this list so he should probably be added to the list of men.
Another comprehensive list in this time period is the 1787 tax list, or census, for Culpeper Co. The names listed here are:
Three new names have been added, those of Patrick, Richard, and William. Probably the names are concentrated in the area which became Madison and Rappahannock Counties, but there still is a good geographical distribution. In a time period of about eleven years, we may have about ten different men spread around over distances that are not easy walks.
The naming pattern at times sounds German, but the names of Patrick and Richard weaken that argument, while Harmon reinforces the German belief.
With what appears to be the wide spread distribution with about ten men (the Willheits, who came shortly after 1717, had 17 listings in the Culpeper Classes), it would suggest that the family had been living in the area for a while and had grown and dispersed mildly. But the family seems to have left very few records other than appearances in lists.
After a brief mention of the Redmans here, Sandi Yelton sent more information on the them. She was quoting from the journal of Paul Henkel, which appeared in a published form, as she noted here. Paul Henkel seems clearly to have been a German. It is said that he spent two weeks in the Hofman or Huffman Chapel in 1799, performing ministerial duties. He decided to go to North Carolina temporarily. On the way, at the Dan River in Virginia, they learned that Herman Redman lived in the neighborhood. "We learned to know him and his wife in Madison County and considered them earnest and devout souls." according to Henkel. On the next day Redman rode with Henkel to his brother-in-law, John Flynt (it is not clear whose brother-in-law he was).
It does seem that at least some of the Redmans were Germans, perhaps Reformed, and more likely to be found at the Hofman Chapel than at the Lutheran Church. If anyone can add more to the story of the Redmans, I, for one, sure would appreciate it.
Nr. 1070:
[Having been out of the habit of writing these notes for about ten days, I forgot to write one last night for sending this morning. In reading this morning's mail, I saw a note by Fred Rump on the German-Life list which struck a responsive chord. So I am copying it for retransmission here. How many of these reasons have you heard for our Germanna citizens? I will try to return to our current thread (the Redmans) on which we have had responses.]
"There are certain common refrains we find among our emigrant ancestry. Several of the most common are: They stowed away on a ship to escape something; they served the emperor in some high capacity, but transgressed against him and had to run away; they were noblemen and owned a castle, but got disowned because they married beneath their station; they left to avoid the military; they deserted the army; but held a high rank as an officer. Seldom does anybody list the real, and most probable, reason: They left because they were so poor they had nothing to eat and wanted a better life for their children. The availability of land is what they dreamed off.
"Sure there was some resistance to the military service. Who wants it? But, at the bottom, there was a very normal desire to be free and own something they could never have in Germany. So you might want to take all those old stories with a grain of salt, and find out just what the conditions were your ancestors left."
Fred Rump
Nr. 1071:
The discussion here on the Redmans convinces me that we are talking about a German family; however, not all of the personal names that I gave for the Redmans are necessarily German. It may be the case that, through a convergence of names, there were two branches of Redmans, an English family and a German family. It may also be the case that the Redmans had been in the community for a while, and had marriages with an English family, with the result that some of the first names came from the English side of the family. I am still mystified how the family could have had as many members as it did and did not leave more records.
The mention of the Henkel family brings to mind another Germanna family, that of George Teter, of Schwaigern (the home of several Germanna families). The Germanna George Teter must be distinguished from another George Teter who lived in the Valley at the same time. It is seldom that there were as many marriages between two families as there were between the Teter and the Henkel families.
George Teter, born in Schwaigern, married Maria Margretha Luttman, in 1720. In 1727, Hans Jorg Dieter went to the police court in Schwaigern to obtain an exit visa (and to pay the taxes due on his property). The baptism paper of Rev. Paul Henkel in America identifies Georg Teter with Schwaigern. The Dieters arrived in Philadelphia in 1727, and lived in Pennsylvania for a few years. They then moved to Virginia, where George Teter (Jeter) obtained a patent, in Orange County, for 200 acres on the south side of the Robinson River in 1735/6. The patent was adjacent to Michael Cook, who was also from Schwaigern. George Teter died about ten years after this, for Margaret Teter obtained a bond in the administration of his estate in 1743/4. She signed for herself as Maria Mariagreda Dieter.
The record of the family grows hazy for a period. Disposition of the land and the remarriage of Maria Margaret are unknowns. Eight children are known, but two apparently died as infants, and information on one daughter is scarce. Among the knowns:
1. George (b. 1730), married, about 1764, Mary Ann Margaret Henkel.
I am not sure just how the Paul Henkel, mentioned here recently, fits into this picture, but I have few doubts about his being a part of this picture. The Henkels apparently never lived in the Germanna community, but, with all of the marriages between the Henkel and Teter families, it would appear that Henkels should be honorary members.
The marriages between the Henkels and Teters took place in North Carolina, I believe. My comments are based on an article on George Teter by Franklin Cockran in Beyond Germanna.
Nr. 1072:
Let�s spend a little time with Philip Chelf of the Robinson River community. His history, prior to the Robinson River Valley, is extremely murky, to say the least. There are some earlier records that suggest the name, but they may not pertain to the man. Let me give them in chronological order, without any claim that they apply to our Philip.
Philip Jacob Schel was on the passenger list of the ship Samuel, 27 Aug 1739, when it docked at Philadelphia. Some other records of this time, that seem to pertain to this person, give the name as Schnell. Hank Z. Jones, for another person by the name of Schell, reports that it also occurs in the German records as Schelt or Scheldt. It is not hard to believe that the name in these various versions might have evolved into Chelf. The family lore that there were two brothers, Philip and Jacob, might be partially vindicated by one man with both of these names. Also, other current members of the family have reported the lore that an "S" was dropped from the name. The 1739 immigrant reported that he was 23 years old, so he was born about 1716. Later, at the German Lutheran Church outside Madison, the name was spelled on some occasions as Jelf, which I believe was used for some time by later generations of one branch. Remember that when the Germans wrote a "J" it was to be pronounced as a "Y". For example, J�ger became Yager. So the "J" of Jelf is not hard, but soft.
[If this man married shortly after 1739, he could have a marriageable son by the early 1760's, but the chances that a son of the immigrant married Barbara Yager Clore in the 1760's is unlikely; however, the immigrant would seem to be too old.]
Isaac Hite had a land grant for 491 acres, surveyed 30 May 1762. This land was on branches of the North River of Shenandoah, adjacent to Jacob Gibson, his own land, and Thomas Perry. The chain carriers for this survey were Wm. Lygaser and Philip Chilp. A reference for this is Peggy Shomo Joyner, "Abstracts of Virginia�s Northern Neck Warrants & Surveys, Frederick County, 1747-1780", v. II, p.74". [This information was supplied by Wanda Cunningham.] Was this a case that Philip Chilp was a relative, or was he a hired hand? Our 1739 immigrant would have been 46 years old in 1762, a little old for a chain carrier but not an impossibility.
Philip Chelf sold land in Culpeper Co., Virginia in 1762. This deed of a lease and release was dated 18 Oct 1762, and Philip Chelf/Chelph, of Frederick County, sold 100 acres to Russell Hill of Culpeper Co. The property was described as follows:
"Beginning at three pines corner to John Roane and James Gillison and runneth thence south twenty-four Degrees west one hundred and eighty poles to three pines. South thirty degrees west forty-five poles to the three pines in John Thomas� line. Thence with the said Thomas� line to the said Thomas� corner in James Gillison�s line. Thence with the said Gillison�s line to the beginning."
[I believe this Thomas land was a part of the John Paul Vogt patent, which John Thomas bought from him (John Paul Vogt). The Roane land was probably the Bloodworth land sold to Capt. Roane.]
How did Philip Chelf acquire the right to sell this land?
Nr. 1073:
A Philip Cheep is mentioned in the Augusta County records in 1767, which is a little later than it appears that he had moved to the Robinson River Valley. But the record is a tax record, and sometimes the authorities are slow on the upbeat. The citation (brought to my attention by Wanda Cunningham) was found in the "Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia,", by Chalkley, vol. II, p. 403, in the Fee Books of Augusta Co., Virginia.
I skip ahead to 1781, to the Culpeper Classes, where Philip Chelf is in Class 74. The other names suggest he was living behind (to the west of) Garr's Mountain. If a man were excused from the militia when he was 50, then this Philip Chelf is too young to be the immigrant of 1739, who was born about 1716. It does not appear the 1739 immigrant could be our man.
Barbara Yager married Peter Clore. Her birth year is given as 1730, and his is thought to be in the years just before that. Peter died in 1763, and shortly thereafter Barbara Yager Clore married Philip Chelf. In 1768, and in 1770, the couple were sponsors for children of Michael Yager (her brother), and his wife, Elizabeth (Manspiel). These are the earliest records indicating Philip was in Culpeper County. Communicant lists start in 1775, and the couple appears there that year as Philip Zelf and his wife Barbara. In 1776 they appear as Philip Delp and wife Barbara. In 1778 they appear as Philip Delfe and wife Barbara. This shows the difficulty that even German writers had with the name.
The name Barbara Chelf appears earlier than this, for the baptismal register gives Barbara Chelf as a sponsor at the baptism of Margaretha Krickler (Crigler) in 1759. This is strange, as Barbara Yager Clore had not married Philip Chelf by this date. Her husband, Peter Clore, had not even died yet. Apparently, the listing of her at this date is a deliberate action that was made when the baptismal register was rewritten in 1775. There is ample evidence that the baptismal register was rewritten at this date. There is also a Barbara Chelf in 1764, but it cannot be told whether this was before or after Barbara's marriage to Philip, but probably she was married to Philip by then.
If Barbara was born in 1730, she was about 33 when Peter Clore died. I am of the opinion that most remarriages were to partners of a similar age. It would seem to me to be very likely that Peter Clore had been married before his marriage to Barbara. If so, there is a possibility that he had children of his own, from another, previous wife. In the next note I will examine some evidence for this, and try to identify one of the children.
Could the Barbara Chelf of 1759 and 1764 have been a first wife of Philip Chelf? Perhaps, but not very likely. The explanation I gave above is much more likely.
Nr. 1074:
Philip Chelf and Barbara Chelf were baptismal sponsors for Michael (in 1768), a son of Barbara�s brother, Michael Yager. In 1770, Philip alone was a sponsor for Hanna, a daughter of Michael Yager and his wife Elizabeth Manspiel. On one more occasion in 1779, Philip was a sponsor, and this was for Johannes B�hme (later known as Beemon), the son of Daniel B�hme and his wife Nancy. Not a lot is known about Daniel and Nancy, but Johannes, their second child, of what was to be several, was born in 1779. Apparently, Nancy was a young woman. If she were about twenty, then she had been born in 1759.
My thought is that Nancy was a daughter of Philip Chelf, by Philip�s first, unknown, wife. Let�s look around at the evidence for or against this idea.
Barbara Yager�s family by Peter Clore included six children:
Let�s look at more of the sponsors for the children of Daniel B�hme and Nancy ?. At the birth of their first born, Susanna, one sponsor was Delilia Broyles (see above). As mentioned above, Philip Chelf was a sponsor at the baptism of the second child Johannes. For the fourth child, who was Joshua, two of the sponsors were Herman Wayman and his wife (see above). At the baptism of Catharina, the fourth child, two sponsors are Johannes Yager and Margaret (Yager) Weaver. For Nancy, the fifth child, two of the sponsors have the name Yager. For Regina, the next, three of the sponsors have the name Yager. Remember that Barbara was born a Yager. For the next three there is little information in the sponsors.
At least two of the sponsors were directly connected to the family of Barbara Yager Clore. I believe this came about because Philip Chelf had children, or at least a child, which certainly included Nancy. Nancy was raised in the new home of Philip and Barbara, so that we had his, hers, and theirs. Nancy was close to her step-siblings, whom she chose to be sponsors at the birth of her children.
There may have been other children but Nancy is the only one known.
We are not finished with the Chelfs yet, and already I have introduced another family about whom I wish I knew more. The name B�hme always suggests to me an Anabaptist (i.e., Mennonite) origin because there were well-known Mennonites of this name. For this reason, I have wondered about Philip Chelf himself. Though he did attend the Lutheran church with Barbara, none of his children are baptized there. Did this fact bother Adam Yager, the father of Barbara?
Nr. 1075:
Nancy Dodge sent the *Mailing List* a record of a bond which pertained to Philip Chelf. No one else has come forward with an explanation of its contents, so I will take a stab at it, even if the only accomplishment thereby is that someone else shoots it down.
At an unspecified time, Philip Chelf purchased 548 acres of land from James Belford, but Belford failed to give Chelf a deed. Therefore, Philip's title to the land was in doubt. In the course of time, Philip sold the land to Morton Christopher and to John Clore, Jr., but he could not give them a clear title to the land because he had none to give. Now one might think that Christopher and Clore would have asked Chelf for a bond, in case they had future trouble with their right to the land. That is, you would think that they would be the ones to ask for protection.
On the contrary, Philip Chelf asked the purchasers, to whom he could not give a title, to give him a bond insuring that he (Chelf) would be protected against any future arguments over the land. These two purchasers were joined by Michael Wilhoit in giving the bond. While this seems backwards to me, it might be reasonable if Chelf had disposed of the land at a cut rate price. "I will sell you the land at a reduced price if you will protect me from any future disagreements about the title." Philip perhaps wanted to sell the land and to be totally clear of any future responsibility for the action.
Three men were co-signers on the bond. Two of three were the purchasers of the land. Michael Wilhoit seems to have no economic interest in the deal. Are there any relationships to be discerned between the three and Chelf? Morton Christopher married Elizabeth Wayland, the daughter of Adam Wayland and Elizabeth Blankenbaker. Adam was the son of the immigrant, Thomas Wayland. Morton's father was William, whose brother, John, is said to have had associations with the (Edward) Ballengers.
Assuming that the Michael Wilhoit was the older one in the community, his wife was Mary Ballenger. Perhaps there is a connection between the Ballengers, Christophers, and Wilhoits. John Clore, Jr., married Margaret Blankenbaker, the daughter of Michael. John was the nephew, by marriage, of Barbara Yager Clore Chelf.
Of the two witnesses, John Sampson is an unknown, and seems out of place in the transaction between several Germanna people. The name John Hanesefer is really John Stonecipher, a known German.
Was the land transaction between Chelf and Christopher and Clore strictly economic? Or were there other factors? In the next Note we will show that most of the people were living in the same neighborhood. Broadly, I will identify the location of the 548 acres where Clore and Christopher were apparently living.
(This page contains the FORTY-THIRD set of Notes, Nr. 1051 through Nr. 1075.)
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(As of 12 April 2007, John published the last of his "Germanna Notes"; however, he is going to periodically post to the GERMANNA_COLONIES Mailing List in the form of "Genealogy Comments" on various subjects, not necessarily dealing with Germanna. I'm starting the numbering system anew, starting with Comment Nr. 0001.)
(13 Dec 00)
(14 Dec 00)
The whole produced, clear of all charges � 2,845.15s.11p per Annum
And upon the same medium,
The established salaries & amounted to � 2, 821.12.3
The ordinary Charges � 176.12.5
and the Contingent Expenses � 97.3.2
which exceeds the amount of the revenue 249.11.11
In 1698 amount to 20,523
In 1705 to 27,053
In 1714 to 31,540"
(15 Dec 00)
(16 Dec 00)
(18 Dec 00)
Stamps,
(Spelling of these English names is not guaranteed.)
McQueen,
Dwett,
Quarles,
Ashley, and
Wright (at least two by this name).
(19 Dec 00)
(20 Dec 00)
Chain carriers: Thomas Kennerly, John Ambargo (Amberger).
Marker: John Towles.
Chain carriers: Kennerly and John Ambargo.
Chain carriers: John Amburger and John Towles.
William (WC) Carpenter
The executors: Nicholas Yager and Andrew Garr
Wit: Richard Burdyne, John (X) Floyd
(21 Dec 00)
Richard Burdyne
The court also took testimony from John Floyd.
(to be continued)
John (X) Floyd
(22 Dec 00)
Leonard Bainage
Reuben Zimmerman
Russell Vaughan
Budd Hawwood
(�Devise: (Law) 1.a. The act of transmitting, or giving, real property by will. b. The property, or lands, so transmitted or given. 2. A will, or clause in a will, transmitting or giving real property.)
(23 Dec 00)
Adam Gaar, wife Elizabeth [K�fer]
John Yager, wife Mary Willheit
Adam Yager, Sen.
John Zimmerman, Sen. [Carpenter]
Adam Broyles, wife Mary
Michael Yager, wife Elizabeth [Manspiel]
Philip Chelf, wife Barbara [Yager]
Jacob Henrickson, wife Mary
Michael Snyder, wife Mary [Delph]
Conrad Delph, wife Magdalena [Castler]
Peter Redman
Nicholas Yager, wife Susanna [Willheit]
Martin Deer, wife Veronica
Henry Miller, wife Susanna [Sibler]
Eberhard Reiner
Henry Aylor, wife Anna Margaret [Thomas]
John Frey, wife Rebecca [Swindle]
David (Weib?)
George Cook
Elizabeth Cook
[Michael] Blankenbaker, wife Elizabeth [Garr]
John Fleshman, wife Elizabeth [Blankenbaker]
Anna Barbara [Blankenbaker] Fisher
Dorothy [Blankenbaker] Gaar
Elizabeth Ehrhardt
Anna Maria Ehrhardt
Christina [Finks] Blankenbaker
Catharine [Fleshman] Broyles
Elizabeth Clerks
Catharine Clore
Mary Zimmerman [or Carpenter?]
Margaret Zimmerman [or Carpenter?]
Elizabeth B�hme
Jacob Frank, wife Barbara
Zacharias Blankenbaker, wife Els [Finks?]
(26 Dec 00)
(27 Dec 00)
1) Michael, who married Elizabeth Manspiel,
2) Barbara, who married Peter Clore and then Philip Chelf,
3) John (Blind John), who married Mary Wilhoite,
4) Nicholas, who married Susanna Wilhoite,
5) Adam, who married Juriah Berry, and
6) Godfrey, who married a Klug daughter and then Mary Wayland.
1) John, who married Dorothy Cook,
2) Andrew, who married Barbara Weaver and then Anna ?,
3) William, who married Mary Wilhoit, and
4) Michael, who married Mary Crisler.
(28 Dec 00)
Abraham (85),
Harmon (100),
Jacob (84),
John (39),
John (61), and
Nathaniel (50).
John, James, John, Nathaniel, Patrick, Richard, and William.
(29 Dec 00)
(30 Dec 00)
(02 Jan 01)
(03 Jan 01)
(04 Jan 01)
Abraham (85),
Harmon (100),
Jacob (84),
John (39),
John (61), and
Nathaniel (50).
Jacob,
James,
John,
Nathaniel,
Patrick,
Richard, and
William Redman.
(15 Jan 01)
(16 Jan 01)
4788 Corian Court
Naples, FL 34114
941-775-7838
FredRump@earthlink.net
2. Paul (b. ca 1732), married Rebecca Henkel.
3. Mary Barbara (b. May 1734), married, first, Rev. Jacob Henkel, and, second, David Harman.
4. Philip (b. ca 1733 - 36), married Susanna Henkel
5. Rosina, married Marin Peterson.
(17 Jan 01)
(18 Jan 01)
(19 Jan 01)
Adam, born ca 1748,
Solomon, born ca 1750,
Delilah, born ca 1750, who married Zacharias Broyles,
Moses, born ca 1756,
Susanna, born ca 1758, who married Daniel Railsback, and
Elizabeth, who became the first wife of Herman Wayman
(20 Jan 01)
(22 Jan 01)
This material has been compiled and placed on this web site by George W. Durman, with the permission of John BLANKENBAKER. It is intended for personal use by genealogists and researchers, and is not to be disseminated further.
Pg.101-Comments 0001-0025
