This is the TWENTY-FIRST page of John BLANKENBAKER's series of Short Notes on GERMANNA History, which were originally posted to the GERMANNA_COLONIES Discussion List. Each page contains 25 Notes.
GERMANNA History Notes Page 21 |
Nr. 501:
At the start of the "century" and "half-century" points in these notes, it
is customary to take time out to discuss what the notes are all about. Had
it not been for particular Germans in Virginia, these notes would not exist.
These Germans lived on the east side of the Blue Ridge Mountains and, even
though they had many ties with the Germans in the Shenandoah Valley on the
west side of the Blue Ridge, they are distinguished. Since the east side
Germans were all in a region which lies in what is called the Piedmont of
Virginia, these Germanna people could be called Piedmont Germans. "Piedmont"
is in many ways a better descriptor than "Germanna" because Germanna was a
point in space and time while the Piedmont is an area that will last for a
long time.
-------------------------
The first Germans in this area were at a Fort called Germanna. They arrived
due to a misunderstanding with Christoph von Graffenried and Johann
Albrecht. While they left Germany thinking they were employed by the George
Ritter and Company, they ended up working with for another person, Alexander
Spotswood. They were so successful at one of the jobs assigned to them,
securing the frontier, that Spotswood actively sought from the ship captains
coming to Virginia another "load" of Germans for a similar purpose. He was
successful in his search and about eighty more Germans were settled to the
west of Fort Germanna. Spotswood profited by obtained more than one hundred
thousand acres of land as a result of the work by all of these Germans.
Very quickly, more Germans, often related or at least from the same
villages, settled among the first groups of Germans. Because of the changing
patterns of emigration, many of these people came through Philadelphia, not
a Virginia port. As a consequence, a strong tie to Pennsylvania developed
and many of the new Germans came through and from that colony. In one of the
latest finds, at least one of the Germanna citizens was a Hessian soldier
who chose to live here, not fight here. Many of the Germans who lived in the
Piedmont were only passing through on the way to a new home in the south or
west.
Much work remains to be done on identifying the Germans and finding their
history. There are many gaps, mistakes, and errors in the general history of
Virginia and in the genealogy of the German families. Finding the
information which will help solve these problems often takes us outside of
the Virginia Piedmont to the other colonies and to Europe. Therefore, these
notes are written on a broad basis and, hopefully, have some appeal to a
larger audience. Some of the readers may have the answers which the Germanna
descendants seek or the notes here may have answers which are a help to others.
Nr. 502:
The alternative proposal made by Graffenried and Michel for a colony in
Virginia received favorable attention by the English but they asked for more
information. Below is the response of Graffenried and Michel:
Since the Lords of the Council, appointed by Her Majesty [Queen Anne], have
found the proposals demanded of the Society for the Swiss Colony of Virginia
too vague and general, so much so that they desire that more precise
explanations be given regarding the subject in question; --We take the
liberty to submit with profound respect to Your Lordships:
2. This establishment shall in no way be an injury to the neighboring Lords
Proprietors, or other persons, but rather to the contrary, they will draw
advantage from it. Its desert places will be, from all appearance, for a
long time uninhabited, on account of the difficulties encountered for lack
of transportation either by water or by land.
3. As to what concerns the ecclesiastical, civil and military affairs, the
colony will conform to those of all other faithful subjects of Your Majesty.
On the other hand, the said colony hopes for the same favors and privileges
that the other subjects of Your Majesty enjoy.
4. However, as we have a language peculiar to ourselves, we ask your Majesty
the favor of granting us a minister of our country to preach the holy Gospel
and to keep our people in the fear of God and in the bounds of good demeanor.
5. As to the persons whom we may induce to come with us, we also promise
that they will not come in large numbers, nor in disorder, nor without
having first notified you. Neither shall they be at the charge of Your
Majesty, unless, seeing the good beginning of our settlement, Your Majesty,
for our better encouragement, wishes to grant us some favors.
Nr. 503:
7. Inasmuch as it is impossible at the beginning of an enterprise, to think
of all the things that may happen, the said society hopes the Council will
grant a favorable hearing to the propositions that may be made later on.
The above is only to make a beginning so as to secure advantage and gain
time for action which will be asked of Your Lordships.
The humble and obedient servants,
-------------------------
The following has been preserved in records,
Her Majesty taking the (Report from the Lords Commissioner of Trade and
Plantations to the Earl of Sunderland) into Consideration was Graciously
pleased to Approve thereof, And to Order that the Governor of Virginia doe
upon the said Petitioners Arrival there, forthwith Allot unto them certain
Lands on the Southwest Branch of Potomac [the Shenandoah], in such manner
and Form as is mentioned in the said Report, and the Right Honorable the
Earl of Sunderland Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, is to prepare
what is necessary for the signification of Her Majesty's Royal Pleasure
herein, According to the Purport of the same.
-------------------------
Thus the multi-year effort of the "Society for the Swiss Colony of Virginia"
was successfully concluded. Probably at this point, Graffenried and Michel
hired Johann Justus Albrecht to recruit miners from around Siegen and thus
set into motion the effort which led to the Germanna Colonies.
Nr. 504:
It was in late August of 1709 that Queen Anne instructed her ministers to
prepare instructions to the Governor of Virginia telling him to allocate
land to the Swiss Colony that had been proposed by Graffenried and Michel.
This was a very hectic time in London as more than ten thousand Germans were
in London hoping to obtain transportation to America. This large number was
creating severe problems for the English government. Of the many proposals
floating around, several of the colonial proprietors proposed to take some
of the Germans if the Crown would pay for the transportation. Graffenried
and Michel had a similar problem in providing transportation for their
colonists and they too were looking for free or low cost transportation.
The search by Michel and Graffenried, being conducted even while their
Virginia colony proposal was before the Queen, led them to the proprietors
of North Carolina. The proprietors were hoping to get several hundred of the
Germans. They told Michel and Graffenried that they also would take the
Swiss convicts (the Anabaptists) and colonists to North Carolina if
Graffenried would take charge of the Germans. This would be a diversion from
the original plan for a colony in Virginia and even the free transportation
would hardly be a sufficient inducement for such a change of plans. The
point that sold Graffenried is that the proprietors were empowered to offer
a title of Landgrave or Baron to anyone who purchased five thousand acres of
land from them. Thus the America venture could yield Graffenried two things:
money from the silver mine, and a title from the North Carolina venture. He
was heavily in debt and had left Switzerland under a cloud. This was his
chance to redeem himself. On 4 August 1709, Graffenried paid fifty pounds
sterling for five thousand acres of land in North Carolina.
So uncertain were the plans of the North Carolina proprietors, on the date
that Graffenried purchased his land, the proprietors had not obtained the
Crown's approval for assistance in transporting the Germans to North
Carolina. So Graffenried had invested his fifty pounds in an enterprise
which was not yet approved. With the purchase of the land (and the title),
Graffenried became the most important man in the "Swiss Colonization
Society". Also from this time forward, it becomes hard to distinguish
Graffenried's actions on his own personal behalf from the actions on behalf
of the "Society". Over the course of September, the proprietors sold
twenty-five hundred acres to Michel and ten thousand acres to the Society.
They also issued an option for one hundred thousand acres to Graffenried and
his heirs but this land was intended for the Society. Thereafter,
Graffenried starts referring to the 17,500 acres (his 5,000, Michel's 2,500,
and the Society's 10,000 acres) as "his."
On the 10th of October, the proprietors of North Carolina were allowed six
hundred of the Germans (later increased by another fifty). The Queen was to
pay five pounds and ten shillings toward their transportation costs (below
cost). She gave each German twenty shillings worth of clothing. Lacking a
minister in the group, the Bishop of London authorized Graffenried to
perform baptisms and marriages.
Nr. 505:
In October of 1709, the North Carolina proprietors secured 650 Palatines for
the colony of North Carolina; however, there was a delay in sending them
along to America and they did not depart until January of 1710. Graffenried
and Michel did not go with this group of Palatines to America. Instead, they
waited for the Swiss group, which consisted of about 156 individuals, 56 of whom
where Anabaptist prisoners. The other 100 were Swiss who had freely chosen
to emigrate. Michel went to Switzerland to escort these people to London.
Passes were required for the Anabaptists and these had been obtained for the
English part of the trip. No passes had been obtained for the transit
through Holland and, as soon as the group was in Holland, the Dutch
authorities intervened. They would not allow the Anabaptist prisoners to
pass through Holland. Most were released and allowed to do as they wished
(some had been imprisoned for years). Apparently, a few did choose to go to
North Carolina. The Swiss "Colonization Society" intervened with the English
Ambassador Townshend, but he wouldn't help because he said the Queen wanted
only voluntary colonists in her provinces.
Actually about one-half of the prisoners and some of the free colonists had
fallen sick on the trip down the Rhine and they had dropped from the group.
The Swiss colony, which Michel had worked on establishing for so many years,
had been reduced to a small group. Lists of names of the people departing
Switzerland cannot be taken as an accurate guide to the group because so
many dropped out before the departure from England.
On 18 May 1710, Graffenried and Michel signed a contract with Georg Ritter
and Company by which they legally became stockholders in the company. The
foundation of the company was the 17,500 acres of land that had been
purchased, the option on 100,000 acres, mining rights in Carolina, Virginia,
Maryland and Pennsylvania, and the land above the falls of the Potomac
granted to them by the Queen.
The mining rights in Carolina granted Graffenried and Michel a lease of all
royal mines and minerals in Carolina for 30 years and they were to bear all
of the expense. The output was to be divided into eight parts. During the
first five years of any mine's production, four eighths of the output went
to the proprietors and four eighths could be kept by Graffenried and Michel.
After five years, the proprietors were to have five eighths and Graffenried
and Michel were to have their share reduced to three eighths. The
proprietors were to pay the Crown from their share. (Though the contract
with the proprietors yielded nothing to anyone, it is ironic that in later
years gold was discovered in significant quantities in North Carolina.)
The details of the agreements for mines with the other colonies are not
known. The primary emphasis was on the colony of Virginia and this is where
the Society was to have land of the Queen. A stumbling block here was that
the Queen's share was not defined. As seen in the Carolina agreement, the
proprietors could ask for more than half of the output of a mine. This lack
of definition of the royal share was to surface again and again in Virginia.
Nr. 506:
On the 18th of May 1710, a business contract was concluded between Frantz
Ludwig Michel and Christopher von Graffenried on the one part and George
Ritter, Peter Isot, Albrecht von Graffenried, Johann Anthoni Jaersing,
Samuel Hopf, Emanuel Kilchberger. This was done in London and the last four
people were not present.
The Contract:
(Continuing with the charter for George Ritter and Company)
Witnesses,
Very shortly after this date, Graffenried and Michel sailed for America with
their Swiss colonists. They landed first in Virginia where Graffenried
called on the Lt. Governor, Alexander Spotswood (and showed him his letter
from the Queen stating he was to have land in Virginia for a Swiss colony).
Here was learned the fate of the ships that had sailed earlier with the
Palatines. These first ships had suffered a great loss of life while
crossing the ocean and had been stopped within sight of the Virginia coast
(and of a British man-of-war) by pirates who plundered the ships.
Graffenried went on to North Carolina by way of land and smaller ships and
he was not pleased by the situation there either.
The North Carolina adventure was a failure from the standpoint of the
Society. At another time, this story may be told here. Due to a lack of
support by George Ritter and Company and by the proprietors of North
Carolina and due to misadventures with the Indians, Graffenried was in
Virginia by 1712. He was looking for the silver mines along the Potomac and
toward this end he explored above the falls of the Potomac. His attempts to
get some of the Palatines and Swiss to relocate from North Carolina to
Virginia were not successful. By then, Graffenried was broke and in debt. He
decided that the best recourse was to return to Europe.
Nr. 508:
The emphasis which people of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries
placed on silver and gold may seem strange to us. At that time, though, many
people believed that gold and silver were to be found. After all, did not
Spain have many gold and silver mines in Central and South America? Why
shouldn't England have gold and silver mines in North America? Even before
Jamestown was founded, trips had been made to the falls of the James River,
approximately near the site of Richmond today, to search for silver. (In
this same area, iron was found and an iron furnace was built in 1622.) The
governor of Connecticut received instructions from England in the
seventeenth century to use dogs of the best "cent" to find silver.
Graffenried, while he was in America, met a man who claimed he had been with
Michel when Michel found his silver mines. Spotswood wrote to the Board of
Trade that there were reports of silver mines. And Spotswood went so far as
to have a three thousand acre tract of land patented (now located in Orange
County) on which he thought there were prospects of silver. Since
Graffenried owned a one-sixteenth share of this, he must have done some
service for Spotswood that caused Spotswood to return the favor.
Certainly Graffenried believed or had strong hopes for silver in Virginia.
His whole venture, starting with his departure from Switzerland in 1709, was
founded on the idea that Virginia had silver mines. In line with this idea,
he and Michel had initiated a recruiting effort in the 1709 time frame for
miners to work in the silver mines. They did not personally contact the
miners but had hired another man, Johann Justus Albrecht, to do the actual
recruiting in the vicinity of Siegen in Germany. He must have arrived there
in 1709 or 1710.
From this effort, a number of people were recruited and they formed the
First Germanna Colony. One of their first duties in Virginia was to defend
the frontier and provide the seating for land acquisitions by Spotswood.
They did this so well that Spotswood initiated an effort to secure more
Germans for the seating of large quantities of additional land. This
resulted in the Second Germanna Colony. Growth in the German Piedmont
communities beyond the First and Second Colonies was mostly the result of
the efforts of the Germans already in Virginia.
The existence of the Germanna Colonies depends on the decision of Francis
Louis Michel to make a trip to Virginia, upon his purported discoveries of
silver mines there, upon the desire of Christoph von Graffenried to escape
from his debts, and upon Alexander Spotswood's hope that he had a silver
mine. Had any one of these points not been true, there would have been no
Germanna or Germanna Colonists.
I will examine some of these points in more detail but the summary now aims
to show why we study these questions. Had these events not happened, you
would not be reading this note today. In fact, you would not be here today.
Nr. 509:
When Graffenried wrote his "memoirs" after the American adventures were
ended, he told of his views toward the mines at that time.
In the German version, he wrote:
In one of the French versions, we have longer comments:
Nr. 510:
In one of the French versions of his memoirs, Graffenried attached a copy of
a letter he had written on 6 May 1711 to "Gentlemen" who were probably his
associates in Bern, Switzerland. In a postscript he tells that he had become
very despondent about the situation in "Carolina" but he relates an incident
which gave him a little hope:
"This mine, the little man indicated to me is a gold mine in Virginia,
while F. Michel's is a silver mine in Pennsylvania; and this gold mine is
said by report to be eight days out from here, while the other is more than
fourteen days from Philadelphia. At the discovery of this nearer and better
mine F. Michel was not present, but Governor Nicholson of Virginia was. In
the matter of the gold, the Governor would let neither him nor any one else
know and also forbade him to tell anyone of it. In the meantime, the
Governor looked about for a man expert in such things. He found one also,
who, on test, found it very rich. They were already making arrangements to
put it into operation, but soon after, the mining master or chemist died.
Some time after this a disturbance rose in Virginia, the Governor was called
to New England to take the government of the same, and he is actually at
this time in a notable expedition against the French in Canada, has also
taken Fort Royal, and so this mine has disappeared with him and this mining
operation is suspended."
Nr. 511:
After the troubles in North Carolina, Graffenried went up to Virginia in
1712 to look for the mines and to see if he could find a place there for the
people from the colony in North Carolina to live. These were separate
questions because the mines were to be operated by people from Siegen that
Albrecht was recruiting, not by the colonists from North Carolina.
Graffenried talked quite openly to Spotswood about his plans and hopes.
Spotswood has left comments in his communications back to England.
Spotswood wrote to the Board of Trade on 15 May 1712:
Graffenried and Spotswood spent Easter of 1713 together and, shortly
thereafter, Graffenried left for Europe. On 2 May 1713, a patent for a tract
of land consisting of 4020 acres of land was issued to Larkin Chew. That
same month Chew "sold" fractional parts of this to Spotswood, Graffenried,
the Earl of Orkney (the Governor of Virginia in England), Gawin Corbin,
Jeremiah Clowder, Richard Buckner, and William Robertson. Though the patent
does not say so, we know from later records that this tract was thought to
contain a silver mine. Chew's role in this was to obscure that the patent
was really to Spotswood, as Spotswood did not like to have his name appear as
grantee since he had to sign as grantor. The other names were partners of
Spotswood. The location of the land can be plotted and it is found to be in
today's Orange County located on Mine Run. It is about four miles from the
future Fort Germanna but that is getting ahead of the story.
On 11 Jun 1713, Spotswood wrote to Col. Blakiston, the agent for Virginia in
London:
On 17 Aug 1713, Spotswood wrote again to Blakiston:
Nr. 512:
After spending Easter with Spotswood, Graffenried made his way on horseback
toward New York with the objective of returning to England. This was a round
about way of returning, but Graffenried could not leave from a Carolina or
Virginia port where he was known. The colonial laws forbid anyone who was in
debt to leave the colonies and Graffenried was deeply in debt. So he had to
sneak out of the Americas by going to a port where he was unknown. On the
trip back to England, several things made an impression on him.
He thought New York was a very pleasant place. He rested here ten or twelve
days before he took a sloop to England.
On the sea, the small ship was in great danger once because of a storm and
the failure of the captain to respond quickly. The ship was flying the small
sail above the bowsprit when the winds grew too strong for the sail to be
up. Once the bowsprit and the sail were submerged below the waves which
broke off the bowsprit. The ship was then dragging the bowsprit and the sail
in the water which severely hampered the ability of the ship to move or to
navigate. They had to tie lines around sailors and lower then over the sides
so they could raise the bowsprit and sail onto the ship. Everyone got wet
and the waves washed over the ship. Finally the pieces were back on board
and the bowsprit was repaired though it was shorter than it had been.
Once, the people on board thought they had sighted a sail in the distance. To
see better, they sent a small boy up to the top of the mast. Then he could
see that the white object was too big to be a sail. They guessed they were
seeing land which troubled them very much because they thought they were in
the middle of the ocean. They consulted the maps but could find no islands
around where they thought they were. At length, they discovered that it was a
mass of ice which had become detached from one of the northern glaciers.
(The trips from America to England were generally made by a northern route,
where they took advantage of the Gulf Stream currents, which helped
tremendously. Coupled with the westerly winds, the trip to England could be
made much faster than to America. The fare structure even reflected this; it
cost less to go to England than to America. Also, there was more space
available from the west to the east.)
The voyage to England took six weeks and they landed at Bristol. After a
short rest here Graffenried went down to London by horseback. Generally in all of his
travels now, he traveled alone and in small groups and stayed off the main
path. Graffenried was hoping that the Duke of Beaufort, who was the First
Lord Proprietor of North Carolina, might intervene with Queen Anne on his
behalf. But Queen Anne died 1 Aug 1713. Though some of Graffenried's
confusing statements (especially with regards to the timing of events) imply
he was in London before her death, it seems more likely that it was after her
death. Another statement of his is, "Because the winter is troublesome to
travel in and I could not accomplish anything in London I was in a hurry to
go home."
Nr. 513:
I made a bad mistake in the last paragraph of Note 512. It should be
replaced with the following one:
The voyage to England took six weeks and they landed at Bristol. After a
short rest here he went down to London by horseback. Generally in all of his
travels now, he traveled alone or in small groups and stayed off the main
path. Graffenried was hoping that the Duke of Beaufort, who was the First
Lord Proprietor of North Carolina, might intervene with Queen Anne on his
behalf. While some of Graffenried's confusing statements (especially with
regards to the timing of events) imply he was in London after her death
(which occurred 1 Aug 1714), he was in London only in the fall of 1713. A
statement of his is, "Because the winter is troublesome to travel in and I
could not accomplish anything in London I was in a hurry to go home."
As an after thought to his description of his London stay, Graffenried adds,
"Meanwhile I cannot omit to relate that when I reached London I was shocked
to learned that Mr. J. Justus Albrecht with some forty miners had arrived.
This caused me not a little pain, worry, vexation and expense, since these
people had come there so blindly, thinking to find everything necessary for
their support and their transportation to the American mines." So,
Graffenried continues his theme that their presence was not his fault.
Graffenried had to admit that he had hardly enough money for his own needs
and could not help them. He says that the Germans thought that on account of the
treaty, he was under an obligation to look out for them. Furthermore, they
claimed to have come at his command. Graffenried says that he had written to
them often from America that they should not come without his express
orders. He claimed that he had warned them of the problems caused by the
Indians and the failure of Michel to show the mines. He did admit writing to
them, that if the chief miner (Albrecht), and one or two others wanted to take
a look, they could come. In the end, Graffenried blames Albrecht for going
about it in this "thoughtless way".
From the present and with a scarcity of documents, it is hard to say why the
Germans were in London. Did Graffenried not admit to the real truth of what
he wrote? Was Albrecht overly eager? Or were the Germans anxious? The
initial contact with them had been made three years earlier. It is clear
that the Germans, though they apparently paid their own way to London,
thought that the George Ritter and Company enterprise was going to pay their
way to America. Albrecht, in his recruiting efforts, had probably made this
point. But where did the idea originate that now was the time to go? Did
Graffenried write confusing statements to them? Albrecht was certainly a
promoter and did he feel that this was the best way of getting something going?
Graffenried wrote, "What was now to be done? I knew nothing better than to
direct these people back home again."
Nr. 514:
Going back to Germany (Siegen) was not a course of action that the Germans
preferred. They had closed out their lives there and at the moment they were
without a country. When Graffenried was not very helpful in solving the
problems, they decided that they hire themselves out as servants for four
years in America to pay their transportation. Graffenried took the negative
opinion that no ships would be leaving for America until spring and the
Germans would have to support themselves for several months. But the
Germans' determination roused him to action even though he claimed it caused
him a lot of trouble and pain.
First, he found them jobs working on a great dike. But a heavy rain came and
all was overturned. So he had to search elsewhere to find jobs for some of
them. Graffenried was very anxious to go home, fearing a voyage in winter
and feeling an attack of gout. He mentions at another point that some of his
creditors were in England and he may have been as scared of meeting them as
anything.
He worked on the transportation problem of the Germans also. He approached
two powerful merchants of Virginia and a "Lord of distinction" to whom he
had been recommended by Spotswood, and who had a knowledge of the mines. This
might have been Lord Orkney who owned a sixteenth of the silver mine, or it
might have been Col. Blakiston who was working with Spotswood on the royal
share of the mines. In the German version of the story, Blakiston is clearly
mentioned as helping even though he was hardly a "Lord."
The final arrangement was that the Germans would pool their money and the
merchants would advance one hundred and fifty pounds sterling for the
balance of the transportation costs. When they landed in Virginia, they were
to become servants of Spotswood, working for him for four years. Spotswood
did not know, until the Germans were on the sea headed for Virginia, that he
had bought the services of the Germans. He would pay the ship's captain who
would reimburse the merchants in London who had advanced the original money.
Blakiston must have been instrumental in suggesting these arrangements. He
knew that Spotswood had a mine and was very anxious to get started in
working it. Blakiston probably thought this was a good opportunity to
procure the labor and tools. He must have felt that the question of the
royal share would be solved soon.
When the arrangements were in place, both Blakiston and Graffenried wrote to
Spotswood and told him that the Germans would be arriving in Virginia and
that he would have to pay their transportation charges. Graffenried was very
apologetic in his letter, for he had no authority to do the action in which
he participated. Even Blakiston had no authority but he had been working
with Spotswood on the mines and may have felt like a partner even though he
had no share of the mine. The Germans may have been nervous about this as
they set sail not knowing whether Spotswood would pay the balance of their
transportation charges when they arrived.
Nr. 515:
Graffenried's letter to Spotswood, written before the Germans left for
Virginia, tried to represent things "as well as I could". He suggested:
The statement of Graffenried is ambiguous, but knowing that there was a 4,020
acre tract in Virginia in which Spotswood had at least a quarter-interest,
and Graffenried a sixteenth-interest, it would seem that this is the land "we
had together" in Virginia. Later comments of John Fontaine imply that this
land was thought to contain silver.
Graffenried's letter continued:
This very last comment of Graffenried shows that when Spotswood was talking
and writing about the royal patents he was not talking about iron but about
silver and gold. Some people have said that when Spotswood was talking about
silver and royal patents that he was using these as covers for iron which
was his real interest. The truth is that Spotswood was talking about silver
when he used the word silver.
Spotswood was not interested in iron at this time. He was well acquainted
with the fact that Virginia had deposits of iron and that it would have been
to the overall advantage of England to have iron smelters in Virginia. He
was an advocate of this course of action. But England was a nation of
shopkeepers and small manufacturers who wanted no competition. They
succeeded in getting trade laws passed that prevented the colonies from making
finished products. The colonies had to send raw materials to England, not
finished goods. Iron was too much like finished goods as the output of the
smelters were often the end products. The other reason that Spotswood was
not personally interested in iron was that it was far too expensive for his
resources.
Graffenried adds in his memoirs that the Germans left at the beginning of
the year 1714. (The Germans were on the new calendar so this was probably
January of 1714 as we reckoned the years.) Graffenried left London in the
fall, as it would appear he "did not want to travel in the winter". In the
memoirs he adds the statement that a whole year has now passed and he had
not heard from them and for that reason he was in great anxiety.
Nr. 516:
With the Germans on the sea headed for Virginia, let's direct our attention
to the sequence of events by which they had been recruited for this
adventure. A few documents have been preserved but some things are left to
the imagination, guided only by the final outcome.
When did Graffenried and Michel decide to hire German miners? It would seem
that the decision to do so would not have been reached until after they had
secured the letter from the Queen which told the Governor of Virginia to
allot land for a Swiss colony in the forks of the Shenandoah. It would also
seem that the recruiting would have started before they left for North
Carolina in 1710.
Graffenried does make a statement that Michel went to Holland to see the
head miner. As with many of his statements, it is difficult to tell what he
had in mind as the time of this event. Some people have thought this
occurred while Graffenried was in America but it seems that Michel's
location was known in America or there was a complete lack of information
about his whereabouts. In other words, there is no evidence that Michel
returned to Europe from America. I believe that Graffenried's statement
referred to the initial recruiting of Johann Justus Albrecht, the "head
miner". This would have been in the 1709 to 1710 time frame. Albrecht was to
go to German mining areas to procure mining tools and miners. At this time,
Graffenried and Michel were thinking that it would only be a matter of
months until the North Carolina colony was settled. So Albrecht would have
been under some pressure to secure the tools and miners quickly.
Albrecht had problems recruiting people. He was inclined to make very bold
claims for himself which might have seemed dubious, e.g., calling himself
"Inspector of Mines". Even more bombastic, he said he had been appointed to
develop mines and smelters for gold and silver on behalf of Her Majesty of
Great Britain and the proprietors of Carolina, Virginia, and Pennsylvania.
(These claims were similar to those being made by Graffenried and Michel.)
Graffenried tells us that his actions roused the suspicions of agents of the
German emperor who arrested him. The English envoy had to intervene to
secure his release. But still, Albrecht needed help in the recruiting effort.
In order to build good will in the town of Siegen where he was recruiting,
Albrecht signed a donation contract for the benefit of the three Reformed
ministers in Siegen in which he promised them an annuity of 350 rix-dollars
in perpetuity from the proceeds of the American mines. This was in 1711.
This helped in his efforts at recruiting for Albrecht left Siegen and went
to London where he was in May of 1712. Presumably he had the initial
commitments of several miners to go to America by then. The date and the
events of 1711 show that recruitment must have commenced by 1710, even
before Michel and Graffenried had left for America.
Readers wanting additional information might consult Klaus Wust's article,
"Palatines and Switzers for Virginia, 1705-1738: Costly Lessons for
Promoters and Emigrants" in the YEARBOOK OF GERMAN-AMERICAN STUDIES, vol.
19, 1984, pp. 43-55. As usual, Mr. Wust gives an extensive list of reference
material, much of which is from European archives.
Nr. 517:
In 1711, Albrecht signed a statement in which he promised to give money from the
American mines to the Protestant pastors of Siegen. Presumably this was to
win their help or favor in his recruiting efforts. This must have been
helpful as he was back in London in 1712, and engaged in an activity which
leaves us mystified. In essence, he seems to have written a charter for a
company (corporation), and perhaps was engaged in selling shares in it. By
whose authority he was doing this is unknown. The document he prepared has
been preserved in the Court Book of Spotsylvania County, Virginia. Written
in German, no translation of it was known until Elke Hall made one. This was
published in Beyond Germanna, volume 5, number 1.
The document was essentially a Shareholder's Book, or the charter of what we
would call a corporation. It makes specific reference to the gold and silver
mines in South Carolina, "which will be built by the gentleman Johann Justus
Albrecht, who is the Head Mine Captain". The story or words are hard to follow
because there are more pages than there are sentences. So, we can only pick
out phrases here and there. Reference is made to construction in South
Carolina, which was completed on the fifth of January in 1709. (It may have
been that Albrecht had been exploring in South Carolina and had returned to
London, when he was hired by Graffenried and Michel, or it may be that
Albrecht was just telling a story to make it seem real.)
Albrecht claims to have developed mines in South Carolina and was to have been responsible for
the complete management and construction of the future works. The company
was to sell shares. Long statements in the Shareholder's Book go into the
procedure and rules for buying shares. If there were profits, they would have been
paid every quarter. All officers must be trustworthy. The document was dated
26 May 1712.
There is no reference to "George Ritter and Company", the employer of
Albrecht. Nor is there any reference to Graffenried or Michel. The tenor of
the note is that Albrecht is "moonlighting", or working at another enterprise
on the side, besides the work he is supposedly doing for George Ritter and
Company. He may have been driven to do something like this because his
support from George Ritter and Company had dried up. The investors in GRC
had become discouraged very quickly when the initial reports came back from
Graffenried in North Carolina. So Albrecht may have been left to his own
resources. Overall, the events in Siegen and in London do not leave us with
a very favorable impression of the character of Albrecht. On the other hand,
had Albrecht not been something of a "snake oil promoter" we probably would
not have had any Germanna Colonies to write about.
There is every appearance that Albrecht was on the ship which was carrying
the German miners to Virginia. At this time there was optimism. Though the
Germans had started out thinking they were going to be mining silver for
George Ritter and Company, they now had good reason to think they would be
mining silver for Alexander Spotswood. At least they expected to be
gainfully employed. It depended, though, on whether Spotswood would accept the
agreement to which others had committed him.
Nr. 518:
Before Chief Miner Albrecht departed London with the miners from Siegen,
Graffenried took his leave of them for his home in Switzerland. His troubles
were not over yet. Out of fear that his American creditors would have agents
(one of whom was in London) at the major ports, Graffenried planned on using
one of the lesser traveled routes to cross the channel.
He arranged to travel under an assumed name. To make it more difficult to
identify him, he did not carry his own passport. He boarded a ship in London
but the captain let him off before the English customs inspection so
Graffenried could go around the inspector by other ways, but the customs
inspectors wanted to go through his chest which was still on the ship. So
the captain sent a boy to tell Graffenried that he would have to open his
chest. It worried Graffenried to do this but he put a good face on it and
spoke French to the inspector. He gave the inspector a half sovereign and
asked the inspector not to disturb the coats which were nicely folded.
Fortunately, Graffenried says, this worked for had the inspector examined
the contents in detail, he, Graffenried, would have been discovered. At one
point in the story, he says he had contraband in the chest.
Crossing the English channel was a worse trip than crossing the ocean.
Sailing delays meant an extended stay on shore and Graffenried was short of
money for food and lodging. The French inspectors held Graffenried up
because he had no passport. He showed them documents to prove that he was
Swiss. At that time the Swiss and French were in an alliance and travel
between the nations was allowed freely. So he was allowed to go on. He was
stopped at other points but managed to talk his way around the obstacles.
Eventually, he reached Bern on St. Martin's Day in 1714.
Graffenried's reception by his friends was cold. He had been hoping to find
help to restore his ruined colony. But the Society left him in the lurch and
he was forced to abandon the colony. At the time he was writing, he says
conditions in North Carolina had improved tremendously and he grieves that
he and the Society were not a part of it.
On reflecting upon the whole American adventure, he regretted that he had
been detoured to North Carolina. It would have been better to concentrate on
the colony in Virginia from the start. One of his reasons was that the
government in Virginia was in much stronger hands than the government in
North Carolina. And he said that the land in Virginia was in no way inferior
to the land in Carolina.
Nr. 519:
Col. Blakiston's letter to Alexander Spotswood, with the news that Spotswood
had been obligated to pay the German miners transportation, reached Spotswood
in March of 1713/1714, ahead of the ship bringing Albrecht and the miners.
Blakiston had told Spotswood previously of the presence of the German miners
in London but the decision to send the miners along at Spotswood's expense
was reached by Blakiston alone. Travel across the Atlantic was so slow that
it was impossible to conduct any action speedily. Spotswood had to pay only
one hundred and fifty pounds sterling because the Germans paid a fraction
themselves.
Spotswood wrote back to Blakiston expressing two emotions rather strongly.
One was Spotswood's enthusiasm since he felt that Blakiston would not have
done this had Blakiston not been assured that the question of the royal
share of gold and silver mines was reaching a conclusion. The other emotion
of Spotswood was one of concern because the miners were foreigners and their
status was not clearly defined. Spotswood emphasized he would make the best
of the situation since nothing could be changed now. He had not invited the
Germans. That was Graffenried's work and he had been authorized by the Queen
to settle them in Virginia. Furthermore, the Germans were Protestants. But
still he was concerned since he was helping to pay their transportation.
Two years earlier, when Graffenried had investigated the possibility of
moving his North Carolina group up to Virginia, Spotswood had had the same
problem with regards to the status of foreigners. He tentatively put forward
the idea that they could be settled on the frontier as protection (for the
English) from the Indians. We have no information that the authorities in
London ever responded, but Spotswood remembered his original idea. He did not
regard this as an inappropriate thing to do.
The thing that influenced Spotswood's thinking the most was his silver mine
which was beyond the frontier of English civilization. It needed miners and
forty odd miners were coming. Therefore, Spotswood made his plans with two
sets of reasons, a public reason that was quite different from his private
reason. His public reason would be that the Germans could protect the
frontier. His private reason would be that they could work in his silver mine.
There were two minor problems. The Germans were not here yet but that should
be minor. The bigger problem was that no determination had been made of the
royal share of gold and silver mines; however, the Germans could be put in
place. Surely, Blakiston would not have sent the miners along unless he had
reason to believe this question would be settled soon.
Nr. 520:
The last note discussed the reaction in Virginia when Blakiston's letter
arrived at the Governor's desk. It is interesting to take this same subject
in Spotswood's own words. What did he write back to Blakiston?
The letter of July 3 probably pertained to the attempt to get the royal
share of silver and gold mines determined. The Germans were getting ready to
leave Siegen. The two letters of September 20 and October 10 were probably
written after the Germans had arrived and Graffenried was back in London.
Just when Graffenried started negiotiating to find transportation and jobs
for the Germans is not clear. Blakiston probably did not commit Spotswood
until December 9. No doubt he wrote immediately to Spotswood and found a
ship for the letter. According to Graffenried, the Germans did not leave
until January of 1714 (NS). Thus they were probably in London by September
10 and they did not leave until the next January. So at the minimum they
were in London for four months and looking for work to support themselves.
If Graffenried stayed until December 9, this could be consistent with his
return to Switzerland.
One of the sub-themes of this note is that nothing could be done very fast.
Spotswood got Blakiston's letter of July 3 the next January. It took the
Germans the largest part of a year to get from Siegen to Virginia.
Graffenried was essentially a year in getting from Virginia to Switzerland.
Nr. 521:
In April of 1714, the Germans arrived. Spotswood moved them to a simple fort
on the frontier, giving as his (public) reason that they would serve as a
barrier to the Indians in that area. In fact, since they were to be
performing a public good, he was not hesitant to ask the Council if the
Colony of Virginia should not underwrite some of the expense. They agreed.
There was a private reason for picking the site that he did for the Germans.
The new fort was only about three or four miles from his silver mine.
One of the things that one learns in studying Spotswood's actions is that
there are usually public reasons and unstated private reasons which must be
inferred. But they seem obvious. The location of Fort Germanna very close to
his silver mine was one example (actually the silver mine was a partnership
in which Spotswood was the largest partner).
Normally when a person had indentured servants, he had to pay their tithe
(church tax). In the case of the Germans, Spotswood tried to claim they were
not indentured servants. But he protected himself in other ways. He had the
Council declare that an area extending five miles around Fort Germanna would
be the old parish of St. George. Anyone, who lived in this area and had
their own minister, would not have to pay the tithe. Since the Germans did
have a minister, they were exempt. Or was it Spotswood who was exempt?
To minimize his expenses in supporting the Germans, Spotswood also got the
Council to declare that hunting by non-Germans would not be allowed. The
public reason was that the Germans arrived so late in the year they could
not grow any crops so hunting was to be a major source of foods. To help
insure that there was an ample supply of game, others were forbidden to
hunt. Again, was this a measure to aid the Germans or to aid Spotswood?
One quickly learns that most actions of Spotswood had two interpretations.
One of them is publicly stated and the other is unstated. The latter usually
came in the category of helping Spotswood. He bent or set public policy in
ways to insure that he benefited.
The Germans were anxious to be at work and within the month of their
settlement at Fort Germanna they had a look at the silver mine. Spotswood
was able to write to the Lord Commissioners of Trade on 21 Jul 1714 that
there was a good appearance of silver ore. The Germans hedged their
evaluation and said it would be necessary to dig some depth into the earth
to find out. Spotswood told them not to do this and told the Commissioners
that it was:
Queen Anne died before Spotswood's letter got to the Commissioners. Even two
years later, the Crown's share was not determined. Meanwhile, the Germans did
no work for Spotswood privately, but they maintained the peace on the
frontier which was the official reason they were there.
Nr. 522:
Several notes back, I quoted Graffenried on what the Germans were doing at
Germanna during the first years they were there. He implied that their
activities consisted of farming some land that they had cleared. This would
be consistent with what Spotswood was writing. He had placed them with the
objective of mining silver but he would not let them start on this until the
question of the royal share of gold and silver mines was cleared up. There
was a hitch in this activity, as Queen Anne died shortly after as the Germans
arrived. The new monarch was King George, a German speaking individual.
Spotswood suggested to Blakiston that he try the argument that the new King
would be helping his fellow countrymen if he resolved the question. But the
Crown never showed any enthusiasm for settling the question and it remained
unresolved.
In January of 1715 (NS), Spotswood wrote to the Lord Commissioners of Trade,
Spotswood continued in the same letter with another thought. Even though the
Germans had been there less than one year, in fact little more than a half
year, he wrote,
Though it is getting slightly ahead of the rest of the story, this thought
of Spotswood was to have a major impact on the future development of the
western regions of Virginia. Already he was beginning to think of new
possibilities.
>From the very first days in Virginia, Spotswood had been thinking of ways of
earning some money to support himself in the style to which he would have
liked to live. One of his first ventures was an Indian trading company. He
proposed, and the Virginia colony enacted, legislation which granted a
monopoly of Indian trading to one company. Spotswood was an investor in this
company. (This is another example of his use of legislation and rulings to
benefit himself.) But the Board of Trade in London ruled that there could
not be a monopoly. The silver mine was another venture but it was hung up on
the question of the royal share. By 1715, Spotswood had been frustrated in
his efforts to develop his personal economic base.
Nr. 523:
On February 7 of 1716 (NS), almost two years after the Germans had arrived
and been settled at Fort Germanna, Gov. Spotswood was called on to answer
charges that had been made against him. He response, in part, to one of the
charges, went:
Spotswood is claiming that the Germans have done nothing for him in the two
years that they have been here. On the contrary they have only been an
expense. And he says that he had not charged them any rent during that time;
however, he is going to start charging them rent. His change of attitude on
this subject shows how he could take the same set of facts and interpret it
in two entirely different ways.
On the one hand, he said the Germans were tenants, but he said he was
charging them no rent. Without rent, they would have been more typically in
the status of indentured servants. In saying they were tenants, he was
probably angling for a reimbursement from them of his expenses. In other
words, he would hope to recover the transportation expense and the
subsistence expense from them. One did not recover transportation expenses
from indentured servants but if they were free and indebted to him, then he
could press his claims for reimbursement. But in order to make them look
free, he needed to charge rent. So two years after the fact, he proposes to
start charging them rent to make his case look better.
The major blunt of this uncertainty fell upon the Germans. They had been two
years in America and, aside from their efforts at providing their own food,
they had done nothing that would seem to justify the claims Spotswood had on
them. They were indebted to him but they had done nothing for him.
Notice also, that after two years, the emphasis is shifting away from the
public service of defending the frontier to being private "tenants" of
Spotswood. Much of the original justification had included the public duties
of the Germans, but now it appears that they are private citizens who are
living on land owned by Spotswood. This is another example of the shift of
opinion of which Spotswood was so capable.
Nr. 524:
Graffenried gives us no clue as to how he obtained his information but it
would appear that he was in contact with someone in Virginia who was aware
of the situation.
We have recently read Spotswood's comments at the end of two years and he
describes the Germans as having done no work for him; however, he was very
pleased with them and wished that Virginia could have more of their countrymen.
John Fontaine left us a description of life at Fort Germanna in his journal.
He left Williamsburg, with John Clayton, on November 9, 1715, after having
breakfasted with Spotswood. For the record, Fontaine said that the purpose
of the trip was to look at land to buy for his family; however, he extended
the trip thirty or so miles beyond the last farm he looked at in order to
pay a visit to Germanna. Fontaine had been befriended by Spotswood and, when
one thinks of the breakfast meeting with Spotswood on the day of the
departure from Williamsburg, one easily surmises that the visit to Germanna
was at the request of Spotswood. In other words, Spotswood wanted a report
on how things were at Germanna.
We have a good physical description of Fort Germanna as a result, but as to
what life was like for the Germans, it must be inferred for the most part.
Fontaine is clear on one point, "The Germans live very miserably." There was
little variety in the food and perhaps the quantity was limited. They went
to church daily and twice on Sunday. There was no description of any
commercial activity, in fact, there was no description of any activity they
were engaged in except for the church service.
It must be remembered that the comments of Fontaine are coming from a man
who breakfasted with the Governor. Life on the frontier was hardly an
approximation of life at Williamsburg. When he visited, the Germans had only
passed through one growing season. There were no mills in vicinity to grind
their grain. Probably little attempt had yet been made to grow flax for
linen so their clothes would have worn thin by then. Life on the frontier is
usually hard in the first years.
We know they were holding church services. With a school teacher in the
group, they were probably having school for the children. They were a
respectable civilization. In comparison to their English in Virginia, they
held more church and school sessions. The physical limitations under which
they lived would improve with time.
Nr. 525:
Taking the time as about 1716, let's look at the motivations of Gov.
Spotswood. Already people were opposing him as Governor. A recent quotation
from him here was in response to a series of charges made against him. He
needed an alternative economic base to the half-pay he drew as the
Lieutenant Governor. His first economic venture, the Indian Trading Company,
had been vetoed from London. His second venture, the silver mine, was
stalled on the question of getting the royal share approved.
Looking around in Virginia, he saw that the path to economic independence, as
used by others, was land. His first step in this direction was to obtain a
patent on the land where Fort Germanna was settled. He did not obtain the
patent in his own name. The patent was issued to another person who
transferred it over to Spotswood. There was no attempt at secrecy in doing
this. As Spotswood openly explained, it simply did not look right to have
his name appear as both the grantor (on behalf of the crown) and as grantee.
But this first land acquisition, a few thousand acres, was small.
The low cost land was to be acquired from the crown. This would be
undeveloped land which cost five shillings per fifty acres. Developed land,
with a house, meadows, and orchards typically cost ten to twenty times this
much, as John Fontaine tells us.
We have to understand the nature of the Virginia geography also. From the
ocean westward, the land is relatively flat and sandy. But the most
important characteristic of it was that four major rivers provided the
transportation. This was the Tidewater region. Using a modern feature of the
landscape, Interstate Highway 95 divides the Tidewater region from the Piedmont
region. Along this line there were falls on the rivers, so that the "fall
line" marked the end of river navigation. In the early eighteenth century,
it also marked the end of civilization. To the west of the fall line, the
Indians controlled the countryside and there were no roads. Though land was
available here for settlement, no one wanted to be the pioneer and expose
himself to the dangers and hard work that would be necessary to live there.
Fort Germanna was twenty miles or so into the Piedmont and it was an
isolated settlement, a fortified town for the protection of the inhabitants.
The public purpose, for which the colony's support had been obtained, had
been to control the Indians in this area. To have access to the Fort, the
Germans had built roads and bridges.
This is where the largest quantity of the best land was available -- in the
Piedmont, which ran to the Blue Ridge Mountains. It was so near in a
physical sense, but so far away in a practical sense of how to settle the area.
1. That we pray very humbly Her Majesty to grant us this favor, and to have
allotted to us, with the recognition due to the Sovereign which is usual on
such occasions, the land in Virginia, commencing at the fork of the two
branches of the Potomac River, which land is along that [branch] which runs
to the south west, as may be seen better on the map. Such land we offer to
improve in time by the labor and assiduous care of our good workmen to such
an extent that the Crown will draw a considerable benefit from it, while at
the present time nothing is derived from it. And by this means the colonies
in North America will be protected from the attacks of the neighboring
enemies of Canada and Mississippi.
6. Inasmuch as we have been for several years at a great expense to discover
the land above mentioned, and will have still more expense to establish
ourselves, we hope that Your Majesty will have the kindness to grant our
society the benefits which the constitution of the country defines.
De Graffenried
Michel
At the Court at Windsor the 22nd of August 1709
Present
The Queen's most Excellent Majesty in Councill
Nr. 507:
Done in London, the 18th of May 1710.
William Edwards
Edward Woods
(Signed)
Fr. Ludwig Michel
Chr. Von Graffenried
Georg Ritter
Petter Isoth
"My hair raises when I think how many
families were deceived, especially so many families of miners, who, building
upon a formal contract, left their Fatherland, traveled at great expense to
America and now met neither [Michel] nor any one else who showed them the
purported mines. I must now cease to speak of this disagreeable matter,
otherwise I should bury myself so deeply in it that there would not be room
enough for other things, for this is really not my purpose."
"It is to be remarked here that [Michel] has thoroughly duped people by his
fine and persuasive accounts of having found such rich mines; and if I have
also gone into the snare it was easy to entrap me, being a stranger in these
parts. My foundation was this: First, I hardly thought a man of his rank,
and a fellow countryman besides, capable of such tricks. Second, the mineral
which he had shown, having been tested, was found very good. Third, the
oaths that he took. Fourth, the patents which he asked of the Queen of
England for this purpose, a very bold trick. Fifth, since so many persons
from Pennsylvania and other provinces having made the journey openly, with
the permission of the neighboring governors for the discovery of these
mines, there appeared something real in the affair. Sixth, among others who
had interested themselves in it, were a merchant of Pennsylvania a very
shrewd man and no longer young, a skillful goldsmith and other persons who
ought to know the country thereabouts well. Seeing that these persons of
ability living in those places, risked considerable sums, I could not think
that they had not taken all security and precautions. Seventh, we made a
formal agreement with some German miners to carry on the whole thing.
[Michel] made a voyage to Holland to confer with the chief of the miners
[that is, Albrecht] who was to prepare all the tools and supplies necessary
for this enterprise, the cost of which was nearly one thousand ecus in
silver. Eighth, Mr. Penn, Proprietor of Pennsylvania made a contract with
us, having thorough knowledge of all. He favored us very much in this
regard, even made [Michel] director-general of all the minerals in the
province. Who after so many such proceedings would doubt the reality of the
thing? There could be made a whole history of this farce, and a rather funny
one; but I am sorry for the poor miners who have left the certain thing they
had in Germany to go to find the uncertain in America. In place of a good
vocation that they had, they have nothing at present except what they can
gain from some cleared land where they are obliged to live very modestly.
The mining master was even arrested with all his clothes and tools by the
ambassador of the [Holy Roman] Emperor and would have been in danger of a
grave punishment, even of his life, if the English ambassador had not found
means to liberate him."
Some of these events are out of the time sequence that I had been following
but the story had gone on for a while and some readers were perhaps
wondering why we went into this at all. So I have taken a couple of notes to
emphasize that the story is related to the Germanna Colonies. I have used
Graffenried's own words which relate that the German miners (the First
Germanna Colony) were involved.
"There came up to me from the sea a little old Englishman, to sell me
oysters. He inquired for F. Michel, but since he was not present any more
and understanding that we were good friends he wanted to show me something
that probably would be acceptable to me. He said he had, sometime ago,
traveled with F. Michel and the Governor of Virginia, to look for mines; but
he knew of a better and richer one, and in that connection, he could tell me
all the circumstances of F. Michel's trip. It agreed well with what I
already knew very well. Although before this I had entirely discounted
Squire Michel's affairs, I saw by this there were nevertheless realities.
Now according to this report I have some hope. May the Most High, who
through his inexpressible kindness had created so many things for the good
of men, give his blessing to it, and give to us the grace not to misuse his
benefits, but to praise him for all."
In the previous note, I quoted Graffenried's remarks as to why he thought
there might have been mines. He did not mention this "little old Englishman",
who in the end may have had the most significance for the Germanna Colonies.
.........
"The mine referred to is not more than twenty or thirty miles from the land
which the Queen gave us. This in secret; we could take a piece of land
further up, and so we could also take possession of the mine, reserving of
course the Queen's share for her. I considered it advisable to interest the
present Governor in this in order that he might help us."
"(There is a) gen'll Opinion lately revived that there are gold and silver mines in these parts
towards the Mountains . . . (need) a Declaration what share her Majesty
expects out of them."
Spotswood had investigated the terms of the patents on
the Crown's land and found that, contrary to the usual custom, the
percentage of the gold and silver mines that was the Crown's right was not
defined (due to an oversight). Earlier, we saw in the Carolina agreement
that the proprietors expected one-half of the mine output. The royal share
could also be very significant and it wasn't defined. Hence, with this
letter to the Board, Spotswood commenced a campaign to get the royal share
of the gold and silver defined.
"I writt to you about 2 Months ago about the discovery of another
mine in which I am concern'd . . . ye Gent. concern'd with me, depend very
much on y'r prudent management of this affair . . . we cannot proceed till
we know what we have Trust to."
[This refers to having the Crown's share of the mine's output defined.]
"I am embarked on a new project about ye mines . . . if any resolution be taken by the Queen and
Council in relation thereto . . . you will not let it be neglected for want
of paying ye necessary fees to the Clerks."
[Reading between the lines, Blakiston could see that the mine was quite high in Spotswood's list of
priorities.]
"The Germans should be appointed to the land which we had together in Virginia
not far from the place where the minerals were found and, as supposed, the
traces of the mine, where they could settle themselves according to the wise
arrangements and under the helpful supervision of the Governor."
"Meanwhile if there were not sufficient indications for a silver mine they were to look elsewhere,
and because in Virginia there were, at any rate, neither iron or copper smelters but yet
plenty of such minerals they could begin on these. And for these we needed
no royal patents as we did for the silver mines."
"March 15, 1713 (OS)
To Colo. Blakiston:
S'r:
About the beginning of Jan'y I rec'd yo'rs of he 3d July, 20th of Septemb'r,
and 10th of October, w'ch gave me an Acc't of y'r proceedings in relation to
the Mines, as well as y'r Sentiments of w't ye Baron had propos'd about
transporting his Miners, but by y'r Letter of ye 9th of Decemb'r, which I
rec'd the other day, I preceive you have alter'd y'r opinion by sending over
those People, partly at my charge. This makes me believe you have now
greater hopes of her Maj't's Concessions in y't Affair, for I'm confident
you would not on any less encouragem't engage me in such an Expense, when,
besides, it seems, I run the risque of the same Censure, as you say others
have undergone, for transporting Forreigners into these parts, but I hope
the undertaking will not have the same consequences; however, 'tis in vain
to look on the worst side of a business wherein one is so far engaged, and
must go through. 'Tis therefore the more necessary to press an answer to the
memorial presented to her Maj'ty, and [in] regard nothing more must be
undertaken here till that be obtain'd without the hazard of raising so great
a Clamour, especially when Mr. Nicholson arrives, Wherefore I request you
will use y'r endeavours, and also quicken My Lord Orkney to dispatch her
Maj'ty's answer as soon as possible, that we have some propect of being
reimburs'd the charge of maintaining so many people, w'ch must remain idle
in the meantime."
".....a liberty that I shall not give them until I receive an Answer
to what I represented to your Lo'ps concerning y'r Ascertaining her Maj't's
share."
"[they are] German Protestants . . . who upon the encouragement of the Baron
de Graffenried, came over hither in hopes to find out Mines, but the Baron's
misfortunes obliged him to leave the Country before their arrival. They have
been settled on ye Frontiers of Rappa. [Rappahannock] and subsisted since
chiefly at my charge and the Contributions of some Gentlemen that have a
prospect of being reimburs'd by their Labour whenever his Maj'tie shall be
pleased, by ascertaining his Share to give encouragem't for working those
Mines. . ."
". . . I hope the kind reception that they have found here
will invite more of the same Nation to transport themselves to this Colony,
w'ch wants only industrious people to make it a flourishing Country. . ."
"I have frequently mentioned how the Germans came to be settled on this
Land, and 'tis well known y't when they arrived in this Country they were so
far from being able to undergo the charge of taking up Land for themselves,
that they had not wherewithall to subsist. So that, besides the expence of
one hundred and fifty pounds for their Transportation, they are still
indebted for near two years' Charge of subsisting them. I cannot, therefore,
imagine myself guilty of any oppression by placing them as Tenants upon my
own Land, when I had pursued the common methods of the Country and taken the
advantage of the Law here--instead of being Tenants, they might have been my
Servants for five years. Nor are the Germans insensible of the favour I have
done them. . . . The terms upon which the Germans are settled will not
appear very like oppression, seeing they have lived for two years upon this
Land without paying any Rent at all, and that all which is demanded of them
for the future is no more than twelve days' work a year for each Household,
which is not so much as the Rent of their Houses without any Land would have
cost in any other part of the Country. . ."
"In place of a good vocation that they had, they have nothing at present
except what they can gain from some cleared land where they are obliged to
live very modestly."
(This page contains the TWENTY-FIRST set of Notes, Nr. 501 through Nr. 525.)
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This material has been compiled and placed on this web site by George W. Durman, with the permission of John BLANKENBAKER. It is intended for personal use by genealogists and researchers, and is not to be disseminated further.
(As of 12 April 2007, John published the last of his "Germanna Notes"; however, he is going to periodically post to the GERMANNA_COLONIES Mailing List in the form of "Genealogy Comments" on various subjects, not necessarily dealing with Germanna. I'm starting the numbering system anew, starting with Comment Nr. 0001.)
Pg.101-Comments 0001-0025