The Clopton Chronicles
A Project of the Clopton Family Genealogical Society
DR. THOM
Regarding
Dr.
Thomas B. Clopton & His Wives
Martha
Harwell, Harriet B. Claiborne & Cornelia A. Harrison Palmer
By Suellen Clopton Blanton,[1] bblanton@fast.net
A
Distressing Calamity
In
the full enjoyment of health,
In
the very prime of life,
Has
thus perished on of the finest
Ornaments
of our society.
When the Yankees were
through making war on Sara Elizabeth,[2]
her infants, and the other women, children, and elderly men of Morgan County,
Georgia, they bravely marched south into Putnam County to continue their reign
of terror, and, on November 24, 1864, [3]
landed on the very doorstep of another Clopton, the house and grist mill of Dr.
Thomas B. Clopton.[4]

Clopton’s Mill appears on
most of the old maps of Georgia, including this Civil War map reproduced from a
drawing by Robert M. McDowell showing the approach of the Union Army from
Eatonton to Milledgeville.
Milledgeville, which lies due south of Eatonton, was at that time the
Capital of Georgia. Sherman was
well prepared. He had studied the
tax maps and the 1860 census reports, aware that the more people living in a
region, the more easily soldiers could live off the land. The Oconee region, at the request of
the Confederate government, had shifted from cotton production to growing corn
and other vegetable crops to help the Southern war effort. The bountiful yields fed, instead
Sherman’s men as they cut a sixty mile wide swath through Georgia.
It was the Creeks who first
migrated from the Red River Valley to inhabit the Oconee River Valley[5]. One of the original 13 original states,
it was sparsely populated. To
attract settlers, generous land allotments were sold for very little
money. Attracted by the prospect
of acquiring extensive acreage with its favorable climate and fertile soil, the
would-be country-gentlemen moved with their families and took possession of the
new territory. So lush and
bountiful was the land that the during the waning years of the Civil War,
Yankees marveled at the rich countryside of Putnam County.
Resuming the march towards the Capital of the State
[Milledgeville], we passed through one of the richest and best farmed
districts; and the appearances of many of the houses evidently shows that the
occupants have both skill and capital.
The fine old plantations, prolific orchards, and the beauty, richness,
and culture of the soil, has altogether a more respectable appearance than the
generality of Southern territory.
The citizens show their taste in their handsome dwelling houses, splendid
churches, and neat school houses.[6]
The nineteenth century had
been a prosperous time in Georgia and several of our New Kent County Clopton
cousins migrated to that state to take advantage of new land and fresh
adventure. Dr. Thomas Clopton[7]
was in Putnam County, Georgia by 1820[8] A native of New Kent County, Virginia,
he joined his brothers, James, Miller, and Waldegrave[9]
and cousin Alford Clopton[10]
in taming the wilderness west of the Oconee River. A veteran of the Was of 1812, his father had served as a
Captain during the American Revolution, and he would live to see all three of
his sons[11] serve in
the Confederate Army. But before
the country was torn apart, and the “richest and best farmed districts” were
plundered and laid to waste, the lives of the Putnam County Cloptons were good.
Dr. Clopton was very
prosperous, owning as many as sixteen slaves.[12] Virginia was the only state with a
greater number of slaves than those owned by Georgians. Slaves had more value than land. Between 1850 and 1860, an able-bodied
field hand sold for twelve hundred dollars. The total wealth in slaves in Georgia was greater than the
value of all her land and cities combined.[13]
He operated a successful
grist mill and was a country doctor.
Sometimes he was paid in cash[14]
and sometimes in corn. A bushel of
corn equaled $1.00 in cash. He
cared for both the white families and their slaves. He charged anywhere from $3.00 to a whopping $4.50 for a day
visit and medicine, and as much as $5.00 for a nighttime consultation and
medication. A tooth could be
extracted for $1.00, and a female pelvic exam fetched $6.00. A baby was delivered for $10.00, $15.00
if the delivery proved especially difficult. One dollar was charged for a rectal exam plus $4.00 for the
visit. Two rather fascinating
entries note: “Visit to little
Mary and mule $4.00.”[15]
Of
course, life did bring with it a share of pain. His first two sons[16]
died young, and their mother, Martha Harwell[17]
died a horrifying death in 1833.
DISTRESSING
CALAMITY[18]-Died in Putnam county, Ga. on
Saturday the 28th September, Mrs. MARTHA CLOPTON, wife of Dr. Thomas Clopton of
said county, in the thirty-first year of her age. On the day of her death, the deceased, in company with her
brother & a male friend, started out on a short fishing excursion on the
Oconee River. After having spent
sometime in fishing, the party set out to return to the landing, for the
purpose of going home. In passing
up the stream in the canoe in which they were fishing, it was necessary to pass
through a rapid current of the river; at that critical place, the pole of the
poleman broke from its hold, and the canoe was precipitated against a rock,
which threw the deceased out, who was sitting in the stern. She was borne up on the surface of the
water for some distance, by the strength of the current. Her friends present
were so much alarmed as to be utterly unable to afford her any assistance; and in this situation she sunk beneath
the surface to rise no more to life.
In the full enjoyment of health, in the very prime of life, has thus
perished one of the first ornaments of our society. For several years she had been a strict member of the
Methodist Church - Esteemed by all who knew her. Her loss has not failed to make a lasting wound in the bosom
of that society of which she was a member, and of that community in which she
resided. She has left behind her
to mourn her loss, a husband and child, an aged father and mother, brothers and
sisters, and a large circle of weeping relatives. The body of the deceased was,
after great exertions, found on the succeeding day, near where she was seen to
sink, after remaining in the water about eighteen hours.
A
widower with one child to care for, he quickly married again, this time to his
kinswoman,[19] Harriet B.
Claiborne, who would give birth to four children before her death in 1857.[20] Following in the footsteps of so many other old
Virginia families, the Claibornes sent their own to join the efforts to conquer
and tame the wilderness of Georgia.
Travel in those days wasn't for the faint of heart; conditions being at
best, uncomfortable, at worst, fraught with danger at every turn. The families traveled in groups
composed of family and friends who had been chosen to expand the family
holdings. According to family
tradition the Claibornes and Clopton made the journey together from Virginia to
Georgia.[21]
A
glance at Claiborne of Virginia, Descendants of Colonel William Claiborne,[22]
listing the descendants of these first Georgia Claibornes, sheds great light on
the complex system of intermarriage between the early pioneers of the Oconee
region.
Heart Breaker
It is a great pleasure to me to have some one amongst
your sex that I can communicate with and pass off my
many hours.
It is not only agreeable but (a) pleasant and useful past time ….
Times were indeed good, and none of Dr. Clopton children enjoyed life more than his daughter, Sarah Elizabeth. There is little doubt Miss Lizzie was a heart-breaker. A gentleman from Sparta, Georgia, Edwin, wrote her restrained, painfully polite, elegant little letters.[23]
Miss Lizzie
Tis another great pleasure I write these few lines t o
you.
And I hope it is with satisfaction you receive
them. I wish to know if it is
agreeable to you to hold correspondence with me. It is a great pleasure to me to have some one amongst your
sex that I can communicate with and pass off my many (?) hours.
It is not only agreeable but (a) pleasant and useful past time
and one is benefited by it in many respects. Ever since Camp meeting there has been a great revival going
on here in the Methodist Church.
I have something I would tell you but I will defer it
until some other time.
Yours
.. Farewell
Edwin
…..
Sparta Ga Sept 6th 1854
Eatonton
Ga.
April
12th 1856
Alas, she gave her hand to another, for no other heart was so inflamed than that which beat in the breast of John Godkin.[24] He wooed and pursued her in a series of impassioned letters.
Miss
Lizzie. Since inevitable
circumstances prevented my seeing you before you left for Montgomery I hope
that you will pardon the liberty I here take in sending you the enclosed
lines. Times here are about as you
left them with the exception of a fishing party occasionally. All your friends regret your absence but live in anticipation of
seeing you soon home again. We all
hope (nor can one doubt) that you are enjoying yourself. Believing that you are partial to a
city life, Do you expect to spend the summer in Ala some of us would like to
know. The Dennis Springs will be
opened in June and we think you should by all means visit them, a pleasant time
is contemplated. You will perceive
that the intention of these lines is not such as to claim the … of a letter, but merely to give you
in as few words as possible the state of things in general. By your permission I would be very
happy to correspond with you.
Wishing you a pleasant visit, with all the enjoyment and entertainments
a city can bestow. I am with
sentiments of high regard.
Jno.
R. Godkin
Miss
S. E. Clopton
Montgomery
To Miss Lizzie
Upon her return from Montgomery Ala
With a joyous smile & words sincere,
I gladly welcome thee
Away from the gay and glee.
Not with a shout will I welcome thee
As when a warrior comes,
Nor flying banners raising high,
Nor sound of rumbling drums.
I offer at they shrine
I’ve set thy name among the stars
That must forever shine.
Delays
are dangerous, and
doubtless
you have seen the
evils
of long engagements.
Belleville
Sept
12th 1856
Dear
Miss Lizzie,
No
doubt you will think strange of my writing when I have so frequently visited
you but I assure you that nothing but the purest motives have prompted me. My feelings are truly unenviable. In vain have I breathed to you the
feelings of my heart. Alas, they
have not awakened the least responsive emotions, I fear, in your heart.
You have taken your letters and I know not what to
think, since you have retained mine, but that your intention was to coquette
me, I have imagined, since the Putnam campmeeting when you solicited your
letters to see. I cannot imagine
what has become of the last letter I wrote you when you were in Montgomery, if
it did not arrive at its destination.
I cannot under such circumstances consider myself engaged for the
indefinite time of next fall, twelve months is too far into the future for me
to calculate and I do not believe in such long engagements.
I have been honest and honorable with you, I think, since
our acquaintance and yet I think you
have doubted my confidence.
Delays are dangerous, and doubtless you have seen the evils of long
engagements. Will you marry me
between this and the 12th of October is the questions which I wish
you to answer either by letter or verbally when I see you. I have deliberated long, therefore you
cannot think me impulsive. If your
intentions have been serious and if you have considered my situation, position
in life, I am sure that you will readily see that much depends on your
answer. I cannot imagine why you
have reversed my proposal, but if
you think that you would have to make the least sacrifice or that I cannot
afford you the pleasure and happiness in life which you so much deserve, I will
be content to know it, for my life would to me be miserable were I to know it,
when too late to remedy.
Although
I have hastily written this epistle, yet I have contemplated a great while on
its import. I hope that you will
consider this seriously and give me an unalterable answer. It is not the least pleasure to live in
such a state as this when deprived of all hope and happiness. But “if thou wilt design this heart to
bless, life far from thee were wretchedness.”
Yours
affectionately
Jon.
R. Godkin
Miss Lizzie succumbed to his
ardent plea and they were married November 6, 1856.
and accept a thimble full for yourself.
Because death was such a
frequent visitor in those days, and the families large, widows and widowers
seldom let much time elapse before remarrying. It was also not uncommon for widowers to marry women much
younger than themselves. Possibly
older women were too smart to want to marry men with a house full of
children! It was often a case of
Yours, Mine, and Ours, and that could add up to eight, ten, and even twelve
children or more. Following the
death of second wife Harriet, he married Cornelia A. Harrison Palmer in 1858
when she was 18 years old and he was 60.
In 1860, joining the westerly migration of so many of his Clopton kin,
Dr. Clopton moved to Americus, Sumpter County Georgia with Cornelia, their
baby, Walter, his sons Tommy Alexander, and Robert Emmett, who was known as
“Shug,” went with them. The plans
were for sister, Maria Louisa, to join the family in Americus as soon as the
house could be enlarged. The now
happily married Miss Lizzie stayed in Putnam County with her husband.
And
just why would Dr. Clopton move to Sumpter County at such an advanced age,
leaving behind his adult children and his many friends? It must be remembered that the slave
system was very inefficient. It
was not unusual for slaves to be the most valuable asset a planter owned, worth
far more than any other possession.
Slave labor was essential, but the price of slaves who were physically
fit to work in the fields was high, and their owners had to house, feed and
clothe them. He spent considerable
amount of time himself, doctoring his neighbor’s slaves, and charging for his
service. It may be that Dr.
Clopton simply was not a careful business manager and, like so many of his
fellow planters, he went into debt and left to seek new sources of revenue.
Weeks before the start of a
war that was to divide his country and change his life forever, young Thomas
Alexander wrote a teasing letter.[25] This gentle boy’s primary concerns were
young ladies and homesickness.
There is no hint of concern in Cousin Tommy’s letter regarding the real
possibility of war. This is not
surprising. With communications
slow, and Georgia was, after all, an awfully long way from Washington, many
Southerners didn’t take the prospect of war too seriously and fully expected to
win quickly and easily if the Yankees were so foolish to engage in battle.
The
United States was deeply divided when Tommy wrote his letter, with seven of the
33 states already having seceded from the Union and combined to form the
Confederate States of America.
Georgia had voted to secede on January 19, 1861.[26] Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina,
and Arkansas soon joined them.
Delaware, Maryland, Missouri, and Kentucky, slave states, were held by
armed forces, determined to keep them in the Union.
Saturday
(February) the 2 1861
Cousin
Lutie:[27]
I received
your letter in due time and was glad to hear from old Putnam that all was
well. I believe we are all well
except Carolines[28] youngest
child. He is very sick it has been
sick ever since we have been down here.
I
wrote you word that I had a notion of teaching scool but I joined the artilery
Company[29]
since we will start to Brunswick in three weeks. We have a large company in Americus but some to go to
Savannah some to Seaports in Florida.
Cousin,
I attended a party last night at Mrs. Watts’ and such [a] fine time we had so many varieties of cakes and
candies oh! It was a fine table
and I enjoyed myself so well with a young lady her name I will not write but it
was a nice lady and she was hansome.
I fell in love with her and
she in love with me. She told me
she loved me.
Oh me
I do like the people of Sumpter County but I disdain the place nothing but
pinywoods but I am in hopes I will like it better after a while. We are building some room to the house
Sis[30]
she will be a Sumpter Lady.
You
wrote me word that Sis was taking on about a gentleman in Putnam. I would like to know his name, and you
had a party at your house but didn’t enjoy yourself on account of your
sweetheart going off to scool. I
think I know his name I.A.B. [?] he
is going to Mount Zion [?],
I wonder if that gum … well on his fingers Ha! Ha! Yes I hope
it is, poor fellow, he suffered from it.
I will stop this subject.
You
wrote me that you had a party at Mrs. Pinkerton’s and it was a dancing party
and all that was needed was my presence to make things complete and if I wasn’t
there my … was I reckon Sally [?]
thought she would carry it there to see if it could dance.
I
think of my old home often and think of the enjoyment I have had there never to
enjoy no more. Them happy hours
have all past away oh! How fleet
is time just to think a year back and I was in Putnam among my relations and
acquaintances but I have left them
all behind perhaps to never see no more.
But providence will provide for me I hope.
You
wrote me word that Sally sent me her love and Jennie [?] E. her compliments tell both howdy for me and
tell them to look out the 14th for a Valentine tell them I have got
two one a monkey and the other a gentell looking man and the one that receives
the man I expect to marry.
I
expect to marry in old Putnam if ever.
Sis wrote me word she had knit one stocking and started another tell her
not to knit so hard. You wrote me
word that Sis said she would bite me if I didn’t write to her tell her I shan’t
write to her just to get a bite but I will tell her before hand not to bite too
hard.
Cousin
Lutie, I will send a letter to Billy[31]
… you tell Billy not to get mad at the letter for I was so devilish that
day. I wrote Sis I could not do no
better. I will try and do better
the next time tell Aunt Martha[32]
she must have a set of teeth put in by the time I come up there. I don’t expect to come until Christmas
and she will have a plenty of time to have them put in.
Cousin
Lutie I must stop writing to you
for a while and go and eat dinner.
Nathan[33] is here
bothering me and I must stop until after dinner but after dinner I will finish
out the other page.
Tell
Billy not to take too much trouble with Jerry but to take care of him for me if
he pleases. I reckon Prince[34]
will be up there in about two weeks.
Father has hired him out to Mr. Hooks just to cut stocks for the mill he
owns a large saw mill. Lou, she is
hired out and I … father gets $43 … for all three.
I was very sorry to here that Cousin Maria had been
sick but was getting better. You
must excuse mistakes and blotches - give my love to all and except a thimble
full for yourself. I promised to
write to Aunt Mary[35]
as soon as I got down here and to write to her the first one but the next
letter I write a letter it shall be to her but I don’t know when I will have a
chance to write again. You must
write me as soon as you get this letter tell Billy to write to me and write all
the news he can think of. I am
going to church Sunday to Americus and if father will loan me the horse and
buggy I will take a lady with me to the church if she will go with me which I
have no doubt she will go.
Emmett[36] sends his
love to all and says he is coming back to Putnam pretty soon if not before.
I will
close by saying give my love to all inquiring friends and except a thimble full
for yourself.
Your
cousin
T.A.
Clopton
(The soup is filled) with white worms, half an inch
long …
the soup was took weak to drown the rice worms and pea
bugs,
which, however, came to their death by starvation.[37]
On April 12, 1861, South
Carolina militiamen fired the first shot of the Civil War at Fort Sumpter and
the War began.
The
total white population of Georgia according to the 1860 census was
591,550. Approximately 130,000 Georgians
served in the Confederate Army. By
the War’s end, 7,272 had lost their lives in battle, with an additional 3,702
soldiers dying of disease.
Tommy
joined Company K, 9th Regiment, Georgia Volunteers Infantry,
“Americus Volunteer Rifles,” as a Private on June 11, 1861. He was ill and wounded several times
and spent many weeks in various hospitals throughout the War, the first at
Moore Hospital in Danville, Virginia in December 1861[38]. As war progressed, the conditions at
the hastily constructed sites worsened.
On May 25, 1864, Tommy was
captured at Spottsylvania, Virginia, and taken to the Old Capitol Prison in
Washington. The British had burned
the U. S. Capitol building during the War of 1812. A building was hastily constructed until the destroyed
edifice could be rebuilt. Pressed
into service once again during the Civil War, it was then a dilapidated and run
down wreck[39]. But these accommodations were luxurious
compared to Tommy’s final destination, the infamous Fort Delaware Prison[40]. Above all others, Fort Delaware was
feared by the Confederate soldiers.
The prisoners called the commandant at the Delaware fort, Brig. Gen.
Albin F. Schoeph, “General Terror.”
Both
the North and the South thought the War would be short. The abuse of prisoners on both sides
was caused as much by lack of planning as the mad men who slink from beneath
rocks during times of war and visit their own personal version of Hell on their
unfortunate captives. Although
both sides hurled accusations of abuse of prisoners through the war and for
years after, Fort Delaware was deserving of its reputation as the most dreaded
of the Federal prisons. Fort
Delaware, which was never intended as a prison, was built on Pea Patch Island
in the Delaware River, and the winters were damp and cold. By the time Tommy was imprisoned there
on June 17, 1864, the Confederate soldiers arrived at the fort dressed in
tattered uniforms, many lacking shoes, their food supply so meager,
malnutrition was common. With the
war already taking its toll on their health, their frail bodies were further
taxed by the dangerously overcrowded prison built on a marshy site.

Fort Delaware
Uninsulated shells, the
frigid winds blowing across the icy river and poor ventilation trapping the
summer heat, combined with the constant dampness, was the cause of much illness
and death. The prison was designed
to hold no more than 2,000 men.
After the Battle of Gettysburg in July of 1863, there were never under
6,000 prisoners, not counting the guards, administrators and support
staff. Tommy was one of 98
prisoners received at the Fort during the month of June, 1864. By the end of that month, the prison
held 9, 272 prisoners, 686 listed as sick, 220 deaths[41],
10 escapes and two releases.[42]
While
the South eventually suffered terrible shortages of food and clothing, there
was no excuse for the inadequate died fed the Fort Delaware inmates. Scurvy accounted for a great number of deaths. It was well known a diet of vegetables
would prevent scurvy, and there was money to buy them, but medical inspections
listed scurvy as the top killer at the Fort
The meat and bacon available to men on both sides was
described in letters and journals as “rusty” and “slimy” – and the other fare
was no better. A Confederate
declared that the soup at Fort Delaware came filled with “white worms, half an
inch long.” It was a standing
joke, he wrote, “that the soup was too weak to drown the rice worms and pea
bugs, which, however, came to their death by starvation.” But to near-starving men, any fare
would do: “Ate it raw,” reads one
entry in Private George Hegeman’s diary, presumably referring to his meat
ration. “Could not wait to cook
it.”
In
the absence of adequate protein, prison rats were staple fare. “We traped for Rats and the Prisoners
Eat Every one they Could get,” wrote a soldier of the 4th Arkansas
at Johnson’s Island. “I taken a
mess of Fried Rats. They was all
right to a hungry man, was like Fried squirrels.”[43]
Throughout the War there was
in place a system of prisoner exchanges, however, on April 17, 1863, Lt. Gen.
U. S. Grant rightly believed the exchanges only helped the Confederacy. He wrote: “Every man we hold, when released on parole or otherwise,
becomes an active soldier against us … If a system of exchange liberates all
prisoners taken, we will have to fight on until the whole South is
exterminated.”[44]
In February 1865, exchanges
of sick prisoners were resumed.
Tommy was exchanged at Fort Delaware on March 7, 1865. In 1945, 80 years and half a world
away, Tommy’s grand nephew, Rufus Terrell Clopton, was released from another
prison following 40 months of captivity in the hands of the Japanese.[45]
All
a Devil Could Wish and More
There is no God in war. It is merciless, cruel,
vindictive, unChristian, savage,
relentless.
It is all that devils could wish for.[46]
Brother William
Henry Harrison Clopton[47]
enlisted in Eatonton, Georgia, as a Private in Company B. 3rd
Regiment, Georgia Volunteer Infantry, the “Putnam County Brown Rifles,”
Wright’s Brigade Army of Northern Virginia, on June 1, 1861.[48] Records reveal he was discharged in
Portsmouth, Virginia, on August 10, 1861, because of illness, possibly hemorrhage
of the lung. He was at that time
being paid $11.00 per month. He
returned to Putnam County to recuperate.
He was at home when his wife, Mattie,[49]
gave birth to their first child, Harriet Isabel, in October 1861.
On March 17,
1862, Billy once again enlisted in Eatonton, this time as a Private in Company
F of the 44th Georgia Infantry. Recognizing the growing threat to Richmond, Virginia by
McClellan’s troops, the Confederate leaders pulled together as many troops as
possible to defend this city so important to the South. Georgia could furnish only a single
fighting body, and Billy was in it.
Lee’s total strength amounted to 86,000, about 20,000 short of McClellan’s
in what became known as the Seven Days Campaign.
I saw several lying with all the meet
off thar
bones. They ware I think Yankeys.
Billy wrote his
sister, Miss Lizzie, the following letter[50]
on June 22, 1862. It is of
interest to note the spelling must have reflected his accent.
Dear Sister,
I received your most welcome letter today. I was very
glad to hear from you. I think you
will excuse me when you know what hard times our regiment has seen. We was ordered to Petersburg (Virginia) from Goldsboro and was stoped at
Weldon three or fore days and went to Petersburg and staid five days then was
ordered to Richmond and got thar the Sunday of the fight about ten
o’clock. We had to leave all our
tents and everything at Petersburg. We started to the battlefield at twelve
o’clock and held in reserve should they be reinforced. We marched six miles part of the time
in quick step, the warmest day I ever saw. The perspiration nearly filled my shoes it was so warm. We threw away our knapsacks and
blankets. The mud was half leg
deep all the way there. We had to
march back five miles that night.
… an old field where we could get nothing to eat nor to
make a fire. We lived on one
cracker to the man for three days.
Those that was hear and had thar camps and some of them to cook for them
faired a heep better than we did.
We had to leave our Negroes in Petersburg. I have got a boy with me to cook and wash for me—one of Mr.
Lancaster’s—he let me bring him with me.
Our regiment has seen harder times
since we have been here than any other. We have been on picket ever since we have been here. That is every other day they put it on
our regiment to advance the picket lines.
The other day we had to go through mud and warter wast-deep. We came on Yankey pickets and had a
right smart fight but we drove them back—killed several and took fifteen
prisoners. We lost in our regiment
one killed and two wounded and two missing. We drove them so near thare camps we could hear them talk
and laugh. We were attacked just
at sundown by a second attact aded by regiment of infantry. We fout them some time and our regiment
give way a short ways, about fifty yards, what you may call a run but we
rallied again—went back and held our position until ordered to fall back …
balls fell as fast as rain but we were lying down in the woods and they over
shot us but after pulling back we took to the lines again and still hold it.
They
tried to drive us from it the other evening—not our regiment but our pickets
and the third regiment was called to thare support. The fight did not last long. The third got five men killed, three from Wilkerson Rifles
and one from the Confederate Light Guards—very few wounded—we fout over the old
battleground that our men fell back from the time of the fight. I saw several lying with all the meet
off thar bones. They ware I think
Yankeys. We have picket fights
every day.
I
have seen Dr. once since I have been here. He looks well.
He is in camp next to our lines but a soldier can’t get a chance to go
no whare but on duty. Tommy[51]
is in Richmond at Winder Hospital.
Our camps are in two miles of him and I have been trying to see him for
the twenty days we have been here but can’t get off. I would steel off and see him but the guards are around
town. Emmet[52]
got to my camp a wile ago is in camp about a mile. He looks very well.
He has a nice Captain John Cowls [?]
has been sick at the same hospital that Tommy is at. He ses Tommy look tolerable well, he ses he looks saller for
want of … I will keep trying to
see him if I can.
I
have not hurd a word from home in a month. I don’t know what Mat[53]
is thinking of me. I am uneasy
since I commence this letter. News
has come that the Yankeys has drove our pickets in we expect an attack from one
side or the other. We are at a
moments warning … [last page is
missing].
shrieks of the wounded reached our
ears.
At two o’clock
in the afternoon, Thursday, June 26, 1862, the first shot was fired in the
Seven Days Campaign at Mechanicsville, Virginia. Billy was stationed just outside the main area, at
Ellerson’s Mill. All records agree
the day was hot, clear, and beautiful.
Major General Fitzjohn-Porter gave this account of the day’s events:
After passing Mechanicsville [the Confederates] were divided, a portion taking
the road to the right to Ellerson’s Mill … apparently unaware, or regardless,
of the great danger in their front, this force moved on with animation and
confidence, as if going to parade, or engaging in a sham battle. Suddenly, when half-way down the bank
of the valley, our men opened up its rapid volleys of artillery and infantry,
which strewed the road and hill-side with hundreds of dead and wounded
[Confederates], and drove the main body of the survivors back in rapid
flight to and beyond Mechanicsville.
So rapid was the fire upon the enemy’s huddled masses clambering back up
the hill, that some of Reynolds’s ammunition was exhausted …
The [Union]
forces directed against Ellerson’s Mill made little progress … [but the
Union’s] flank fire soon arrested them and drove them to shelter, suffering
even more disastrously than those who had attacked Reynolds. Late in the afternoon [the
Confederates] renewed the attack with spirit and energy, some reaching the
borders of the stream, but only to be repulsed with terrible slaughter, which
warned them not to attempt a renewal of the fight. Little depressions in the ground shielded may from our fire
until, when night came on, they all fell back beyond the range of our guns. Night put an end to the contest.
The Confederates suffered severely. All night the moans of the dying and
the shrieks of the wounded reached our ears.
According to the
official returns the total Union loss at Mechanicsville was 361. The Confederates lost 1,350 that day,
335 deaths from the 44th Georgia alone.[54] Five days later, after the Battle of
Ellerson’s Mill, Billy had not returned to the back area. His slave became distraught and began
to search the battlefield. Three
days later he found Billy unconscious.[55]

William
Henry Harrison Clopton
Billy
must have gone back to Eatonton to recuperate because his second child, William
Thomas,[56]
was born April 25, 1863. There is
no further record of his military service until April 13, 1863. Records show he was admitted to
Lynchburg (Virginia) Hospital with a complaint of “Vidmus Sclo,” still in
Company F of the 44th Georgia Infantry. Again, he went back to Eatonton but was conscripted back
into the Putnam County Brown Rifles on November 26, 1863, so desperately did
the South need fighting men. But
by December 13th, he was discharged for the last time thanks to his
determined Commander Reuben B. Nisbet.
CERTIFICATE
OF DISABILITY
FOR
DISCHARGE in the case
Of
William H. Clopton
A private Co. B
3rd Ga. Reg’t
of Infantry.
Respectfully Forwarded.
This soldier has been
Twice discharged from
Service and sent back
By the conscript Dept of
Georgia. There
has been
six or eight disab led
soldiers & five Idiots –
and not one able bodied
man forwarded by the
same office – all of which
I am compelled to send back.
Cannot this imposition
Upon the government be
Stopped.
The
United Daughters of the Confederacy bestowed the Southern Cross of Honor[57]
on Billy for his loyal, devoted and honorable service to the South. The medal is a Maltese Cross with a
wreath of laurel surrounding the words Deo Vindice[58]
1861-1865 and the inscription, “Southern Cross of Honor,” on the face. On the reverse side is a Confederate
Battle Flag surrounded by a laurel wreath and the words, “United Daughters of
the Confederacy to the UCV.” The
name “W. H. Clopton,” is engraved on the face pin.[59]
We have just begun to feel the war –
I
think the days the Yanks were here
Were
the most miserable I ever felt –
I
never want to witness another such sight[60]
Throughout the
Civil War battles were waged with a vengeance about the heads of Virginians,
with the exception of a few skirmishes, Georgia would not feel the full brunt
of the carnage until 1864.[61] The final months brought particular
pain to Putnam County. With
Atlanta to the west, Milledgeville to the south, and Savannah to the east, the
people of Putnam didn’t have a chance.
General William T. Sherman was determined to cut off the supplies to the
Confederate armies which continued to flow unabated from Savannah and to
destroy the morale of the civilians while he was at it. Europe was appalled. Civilized people simply didn’t wage war
on women and children.
Putnam and Baldwin counties suffered terribly with the entire left wing of more than 27,000 soldiers cutting a path of destruction and visiting terror upon a population made up almost entirely of children, women, seriously injured young men, and the elderly.
If the march had its rigors,
mainly proceeding from the great distance to be covered and the occasional hard
work of bridging creeks and corduroy roads, it also had its attendant
compensations derived from the fatness of the land and the skylark attitude of
the men fanned our across it in two columns, foraging along a front that varied
from thirty to sixty miles in width.
“This is probably the most gigantic pleasure excursion even planned,”
one of Howard’s veterans declared after swinging eastward on the second day out
of Atlanta. “It already beats
everything I ever saw soldiering, and promises to prove much richer yet.”…
[Riding with Slocum] Sherman
pulled off on the side of the road to review the passing troops and found them
unneglectful of such opportunities as had come their way. Once marcher who drew his attention had
a ham slung from his rifle, a jug of molasses cradled under one arm, and a big
piece of honeycomb clutched in the other hand, from which he was eating as he
slogged along. Catching the
general’s eye, he quoted him sotto voce to a comrade as they swung
past: “Forage liberally on the
country.”[62]
Miss Lizzie was living in father’s house on Murder Creek, when the Yankees came to call. Her husband was serving in the Confederate Army, of course, and, except for some slaves, she was alone. This was not the first times Yankees had paid a visit to the Cloptons. On July 31, 1864, the brigades of Colonel Silas Adams and Colonel Horace Capron marched towards Eatonton, and at Murder Creek, the two brigades separated.[63] The Rev.