The Walloon Settlement and the French Church at Southampton.
By W.J.C. Moens, F.S.A.
Published in the Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London Vol III 1888-91
Extracts:
[cut - introduction]
It has long been claimed that the Walloon Church of Southampton was established by letters patent of Edward VI though no such grant has ever been forthcoming. The origin of this error is an entry on the flyleaf of the register of Baptisms, Marriages, Deaths and Fasts, which must have been inserted as an ex parte statement at a date long subsequent to the establishment of the Church, which is described in this entry as ‘L’Eglise Wallonne et des Isles de Jersey, Guernesey, Serq, Origny, etc., établie à Southampton par patentes du Roy Edward sixe et de la Reine Elizabeth’ The headings of each of the three sections of the register record the exact fact, as proved by the licence of Queen Elizabeth in 1567 to allow the refugee Walloons to inhabit and carry on their trades in Southampton. These headings all describe the church as that of the ‘Estrangers Walons en la ville de Hampton admise par la magesté de la Royne Elizabeth, l’an 1567.’ All the foreign churches in England considered their letters patent of Edward VI., granted to the Congregation of the Netherland Church and other strangers in London, dated July 24, 1550, as the basis of their religious liberties enabling them to exist as nonconformist congregations at a period when nonconformity was suppressed with the utmost rigour, and therefore these letters patent of Edward VI. Were always referred to on every occasion when their privileges were in peril.
It will be well to consider the reasons which caused the refugees to settle in Southampton. We may be certain that these were trade reasons, for by the making of their ‘outlandish commodities’ and by trade could they alone be enabled to support themselves in this country. The strangers considered closely the course of foreign trade in England, by which they previously had profited so largely in their own country.
In early times the shipment of goods abroad could only be made at the ports belonging to the staple towns, which were few and of great importance. Wool was the chief article of trade with the Netherlands, it being exported from this country and imported back again in the form of woven goods. It will be well to trace the course of the wool trade at Southampton. In 1291 all wool sold to strangers had to be brought to Sandwich, where the staple long remained. In 1298 ‘customers’ to receive the dues were appointed for the several staple ports, Southampton being then made one of these. By the 27 Edward III. Cap. 1 (1353) the staple of wools, leather, woolfels, and lead was ordered to be held at Newcastle, York, Lincoln, Norwich, Westminster, Canterbury, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter, and Bristol, and not elsewhere. All wools and other goods weighed and sealed were to be brought to the ports of these places, from Winchester to Southampton &c., denizens to pay half a mark and aliens to pay ten shillings a sack as custom,, ‘and the same shall be carried by merchant-strangers, which have bought the same, and not by Englishmen, Welchmen or Irishmen, to the ports beyond sea’. The merchants of Genoa, Venice and other places, ‘being of the King’s amity,’ might discharge their merchandise, wine &c, at Southampton and load with staple ware, the strangers’ custom subsidy being 4l. for each sack of wool; this was by a statute of Henry IV., 1399-1400. This trade was very profitable for Southampton, and hence the necessity of the vast cellars of ancient date existing in the town.
In 17 Richard II. (1393-1394) the Norman vessels were not permitted to discharge at Southampton, all wool and other goods for abroad having as a rule to be taken to Calais. The exportation of wool was prohibited in the reign of Henry VIII,; this caused the decline of the trade of the Venetian merchants at Southampton, few of their vessels frequenting our port after this time. By 1531, the foreign trade of Southampton had accordingly greatly fallen off. To improve this state of affairs, in 1552 it was mooted that there should be a free market for wool at Hull and Southampton. This was arranged for, and it was endeavoured to stop, but ineffectually, the sixty vessels laden with wool that had sailed from English shores to the Netherlands. King Edward VI. Was then unfortunately taken ill, and his death soon after put an end to the project.
In the reign of Elizabeth trade was at a very low ebb in the town, trade was at a very low ebb in the town, Southampton being then reckoned among the decayed ports, and it is noted that its vessels were let out on hire, as there was no use for them in the port.
Cheap house-rent and a place where there was plenty of wool were what the refugee strangers sought for. These were to be found at Southampton, and caused them to desire to make a settlement here. Secondly, a wish of the Mayor and Corporation to see the weavers of the woollen and linen goods formerly imported, and which the English did not know how to make, come to the town and start a new trade as they had done at Sandwich, London and Norwich,. The tradition of the prosperity brought to this country by the Netherland weavers in the time of Edward III. was then still remembered.
In the year 1657 there was a great addition to the number of the refugees, on account of religion, in England, in consequence of the advent of the Duke of Alva to the Netherlands, who punished with the greatest severity and cruelty the inhabitants of the various towns in the Netherlands, where the Iconoclasts had destroyed the monuments and altars of the churches, and all those in whose houses were found the newly printed copies of the Bible, which was a forbidden book.
These strangers from the Netherlands made a supplication to the Queen on May 16, 1567, asking to be allowed to settle and carry on their trades in various towns in England. This was promised, and in other applications they quoted her Majesty’s gracious reply to permit them to ‘freely and peaceably make our abode and quietly exercise merchandizing’ at Southampton.
They then wrote to the Mayor and Corporation of this town asking - 1, for a church to be assigned to them; 2, to exercise their ‘misteries and occupations’ and employ their own workpeople; 3, that houses should be let to them at the rent of past years; 4, that they might export such goods as they could not sell in the town on paying reasonable customs, with an augmentation after twenty years; 5, that they might send their goods abroad to be dyed, if they could not have their own dyer; 6, that they might compound for liberty for their lacemakers, tailors, and such like artificers ‘to occupy their sciences’ within the liberties of the town. They further begged the good services of the Mayor and Corporation with the Privy Council and the Bishop of Winchester, and they assured the Mayor that they were able to pay such taxes and impositions for the maintenance of the town as might be thought expedient.
The ordinances of the town, which had been passed in the time of Thomas Overey, Mayor, July 1, 6 Henry VII. (1491) were directly contrary to the request of the alien strangers. The 23rd of these ran as follows: ‘Item, that no manner craftis mannes alien or stranger dwelling within this toune or francies kepe nor occupie no manner of men servaunts other than servaunts endenizens except those that be bound prentizes aefore this tyme within the age of XII. yere.’
The 24th was: ‘Item, that all manner aliens estraungiers commyng to this toune shall be assigned by the meire of this toune to be hosted and logged with suffisiaunte burgesses dwelling within the same.’ This hosting provided for the host to find food and lodging for the strangers at the latter’s expense; to supervise all his business and other concerns, charging a commission on the amount of all transactions, seeing that the value of all goods sold was invested in native manufactures or produce for export abroad.
The 25th was: ‘Item, that no manner person, of what condicion that ever’he be dweller within this franchise bye no cover undre his name by no fals coloure nor fraude, nomanner of godes nor merchandise of faunyers, aliens, estrangiers nor no other forayne sorte sell in gross or in retaile to chuse and proufite of eny such faunyer, alien, straunger or eny other poreiner, oppon piene of enprisonament and losing to the toune of allo godes and merchandize so bought and sold, if he be a burgese, he shall also lose his franchise.’
The Mayor, Mr. Robert Ryer, and the Corporation had to consider these ordinances; they, however wrote an answer to the strangers to the effect that - 1, they could not but that the Bishop should be referred to, so that he might provide a church; 2, that they might practise their outlandish or unknown trades within the town; but 3, they could not be permitted to employ their foreign workmen; 4, that landlords would be reasonable. To 5 and 6, that the highest authorities must answer for those requests. 7, That they had too many shoemakers and tailors already in the town. Sir William Cecil noted on a copy of this correspondence that, with regard to a church, there must be a conformity either to the Strangers’ Church in London or else to the English Church. That they might have six servants for the first two years, but no more should be licensed than in Winchester or Salisbury (so that settlement of strangers must have been made in these two places.) That they might export endyed goods for one year. Another note on the document states that the strangers offer to make confession of faith before the Bishop of Winchester.
The strangers, having considered the reply of the Corporation, applied to the Bishop, remonstrating with their objections, saying that the English workmen would do damage, on account of being unskilled. That they would teach these and in time employ them. They asked for a license for ten years, and then they would try to accommodate themselves to the law of the land. That if scattered in Southampton, Winchester and Salisbury, they could hire houses more easily, but on account of their religious worship they preferred to be settled in one place. If Southampton did not suit the authorities as settlement for them, they requested leave to go to the other two mentioned cities. That the young English workmen being taught, it would enrich the land. As to dyeing, it was better to send the goods abroad for that purpose until suitable water should be found here, as otherwise they would be spoiled. That strangers only should work for strangers unless by special leave of the magistrates, and especially that only half strangers’ customs be levied.
On June 30 Bishop Horne wrote to Cecil that the authorities of Southampton were willing to admit the strangers who had been driven from their own country on account of their religion and he recommended their case, the remonstrance of the Walloons having evidently served its purpose.
While all this correspondence was going on the strangers appear to have quietly settled themselves in the town, for in June 1567 Jan de Beaulieu, for himself and other strangers resident in Southampton, applied to Sir William Cecil, praying to be discharged of the customs for such wares and merchandise as they shall manufacture there. The Mayor and Corporation finding that the way was all smooth, and feeling that the coming of the strangers would be very beneficial to the interests of the town, applied formally to the Privy Council for the necessary authority to receive the new comers. Cecil endorsed a copy of the reply of the Council in May 1567, which stated that the Queen was content that twenty families of strangers, born in the Low Countries, shall continue to remain in the town with ten menservants, besides children under the age of twelve years in each household, on condition that each family after one year retains and instructs for seven years in their sciences two apprentices, and that for every two strangers they keep one Englishman, to be appointed by the Mayor. That for seven years they pay only half strangers’ subsidies for goods made in Southampton to be exported only from that port, and this also for any new commodities on which custom was appointed, and that the strangers should have the same privileges as those at Sandwich.
These privileges granted to the strangers at Sandwich by letters patent under the Privy Seal, dated Jul 6, 1561, licensed them ‘to exercise the faculty of making says, bays, and other cloth which hath not been used to be made in this our realme of England.’ They might also fish in the sea. They might inhabit and take houses in the town, and have as many servants to exercise the said faculties, not exceeding the numbers specified, ‘without any payne, fourfeitour or other losse, damage or hinderance ... any acte, statute, provision, usage, custome, prescription, law or other things whatsoever to the contrary hereof had or made in any wyse notwithstanding.’
Those provisions overrode the local ordinances, and the settlement of strangers was thus duly allowed in Southampton in the Mayoralty of Robert Eyer (1567); unfortunately the assembly book for this year is missing from the town archives. Grindall, then Bishop of London, always a good friend to these refugees, wrote on July 22, 1567 to Cecil in favour of the foreigners settling and carrying on their trades and occupations in the various towns. He wrote again on September 19 of the same year, so that it is probable the formal permission to settle in Southampton was given after the latter date. The first entry in the register of their church was December 21, when all necessary forms and consents must have been arranged.
[cut - an account of how the strangers of Southampton obtained possession of the chapel of St.Julien, or Hospital of God’s House as their place of worship]
Regular services appear to have commenced on December 21, 1567, the Sacrament on that day being received by seventy-nine members of alien families, besides six other members native born. On the same day a baptism was celebrated. By the following Easter forty-eight more members joined the church. At first the strangers were nearly all of the Walloon district of maritime Flanders, but some refugees from Normandy soon joined them, and in a short time others from the Channel Islands became members of the church, which was constantly increased from the latter source.
The town authorities, afraid that under the cloak of religion false brethren would come to the town as spies, ordered in July 1573 that none should be admitted without two witnesses in each case to testify for their good faith. On the fifth of this month fifty-four new members were received to the Sacrament.
Things were made very easy for the strangers at first; in June 1567 an order was passed discharging merchant strangers of the two payments of the subsidy last granted. The custom duty to be charged on each fardell or package of manufactured goods was from 2d. To 4d., according to sort and quality; the wharfage was a halfpenny, and the hallage or dues in the wool and linen halls were 2d. In these halls (which still are standing, I believe) the goods were examined and sealed, to certify that they were of correct make, excellence, and measure.
The immediate prosperity of the town, as far as the natives were concerned, was not bettered so quickly as the authorities hoped for, and there was much trade jealousy at the profitable trade done by the strangers. Complaints were made by the Corporation in 1582 that the ancient trade had gone on account of riches and luxury, by pirates haunting their waters, and by the many shipwrecks, and because ‘in religion, we are cold, to God we be unthankful, to his Word we yield no obedience.’ Things evidently were not happy in Southampton then, the more so as the strangers were pressing them hard in what trade there was.
It was considered that this state of things could be bettered by having two free marts yearly in the town, by the custom duties being halved and by the exclusive trade with Spain and Portugal being granted to Southampton.
These complaints may perhaps have been caused by the growing prosperity of the strangers, against whom was this trade jealousy, as in 1590 their trade in woolen draperies was larger than their capital permitted of; so a request was made by letter to Lord Burghley for a grant of money to the foreign weavers of the town, to buy one thousand todds of wool for their use.
The consistory of the congregation attended carefully to the education of the children, and a proper schoolmaster was provided. In 1586 Mr. Antony Hanneron acted as such.
Southampton was gretaly afflicted in 1583 with the plague, which broke out on April 16 and continued until the end of the following March. Seventy-one members of the strangers died between these dates; these, all numbered are recorded in the register under the ominous heading of ‘peste a commencé.’ In the autumn of 1583 a faast was held in the church, to pray God to avert the scourge. In the entry of this fast it is noted that about fifty of the congregation had already died, and about four hundred of the townspeople. In 1604 the plague returned, when 161 persons died of it; on January 16, 1605, thanks were returned to God by the French church for removing ‘son fléau de pesté.’ Again in 1665 Southampton suffered severely from this cause, a general fast being held all over the kingdom; twenty of the congregation then died of it and no less than eight hundred of the townspeople. This is some evidence that the foreign element in Southampton was much lessened at this date.
This consistory for a long time upheld the strictest articles of the discipline of the French Churches; in 1589 it reported to the colloquy that they had taken action against two members who had married out of their churches without the consent of their parents; it also proceeded against those who had connived at this offence. Advice was given by the members of the colloquy to condone this if the the offenders would submit to the consistory, as the marriage had been made publicly before witnesses, but if they did not they must be suspended from the Sacrament. This meant forfeiture of their mereaux, or ticket of membership, without which they would come under the town ordinances, and they would not be able to carry on their trades, not having been apprentices.
[cut - account of a visit to Southampton of Queen Elizabeth on September 4, 1591]
The congregation observed a solemn fast on Jan. 12, 1597, on account of the general dearness of food all over the kingdom, because of the long continuance of rain, which destroyed the harvest.
A lay subsidy roll of 1596, extant in the town archives, gives the names of twenty-one aliens, classed as such, resident in Holy Rood parish; these were charged a poll-tax of 6d. Each. Their names were James Provey, Adrian Busier, dennis Dugard, Morell du Jardin, Charles Hersling, GylesPlew, Robert Decane, Nicholas Amon, Richard Knell, Clement Catell, John Lebee, Nich. Ladoon, John Rashford, Peter Boonmain, Robert Provost, John Mullen, Clement Garret, Paul Bushier, jerman Osanne, Nicholas Depee, StevenBreef. It may be remembered that all aliens in the kingdom formerly paid double subsidies or property tax; in 1598 the subsidy was 2s. 8d. In the pound for personalty over 3l. in value for subjects and 5s. 4d. for aliens possessing goods, and a poll-tax for the latter of 8d. The subsidy on land of over 1l. annual value was 4s. for subjects and 8s. in the pound for aliens. The latter also paid the rates on the rent of their houses towards the support of the parish clergy, and the same rates for the poor as the English parishioners paid; besides this they had the sole charge of supporting their own poor, and providing the salaries of their ministers. Notwithstanding this, the industrious and thrifty strangers prospered everywhere, and to the then new trades of weaving very much of the well-doing of this country must be attributed. Very different is the treatment of aliens nowadays, when they are on exactly the same footing as subjects, only without the franchise until they are naturalised.
[cut - provision by the church of means for young men to study fo the ministry]
The church was now getting poor [1604]; the plague had thinned its numbers, and marriages into English families caused the more wealthy members to join the parish churches. The church about this period was not very orthodox, as in 1610 the custom of having godparents at baptisms was considered as simply an ancient form and a useless expense to families.
The places of the industrious Walloons were being filled with French refugees and persons from the Channel Islands, who were not so skilful in trade matters. There was also the exportation of woollen yarn, which caused the price of wool to be enhanced in this country, so much so that in 1611 the clothworkers of Southampton and Winchester (for from Southampton it appears that the art of weaving has spread to most of the towns in the country) petitioned the Privy Council that the late unusual exportation of wool might be prohibited, as the cloth trade was so damaged that 3,000 of their poor in these two towns were in distress.
[cut - remainder of article deals with 1623 onwards]
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